Why I Wore A Bullet-Proof Vest For The Last Six Years
For press coverage, see related post. For the big clamp-down and the Fujian authorities' rebuttal, see related post.
The following translated article is not an unusual story for China -- it is yet another corruption case in which officials conspired with commercial developers to defraud the government and the citizens, and that a righteous official encountered numerous obstacles in his investigation, including threats on his life.
What is unusual is that this official wrote about the case and sent it to People's Daily, where it was published on the Internet. Now all of a sudden, according to a media estimate (ChineseNewsNet), this letter has received the support of more than 100,000 netizens (note: by counting 8,000 posts at sohu.com, 10,000 posts at sina.com and so on across all the major portals, BBS's and forums).
Publishing a letter like this in the People's Daily is not a straightforward matter, for two reasons.
First, not all letters should be treated as accurate. As even this letterwriter made clear, when he turned up the heat on the corrupt elements, letters began to circulate about himself -- for example, that he was only interested in conducting class struggles, etc. People's Daily should not be publishing every letter that it receives, because some of them could in fact serve nefarious purposes. To the extent that this letter was published, it meant that the People's Daily must have done its due diligence and came down on the side of the letterwriter. This letter was sent on August 8, People's Daily spoke to the letterwriter briefly (as reported in The Beijing News) but it is not known who else was consulted.
Second, official media exist somewhere in between full control and full transparency. On one hand, in this age, full control and restriction of information to portray a perfect socialist nation would be absurd. On the other hand, full transparency and access to all information may create social instability because people might perceive a world gone totally haywire. So it is a delicate decision to release some information in a controlled fashion. There are some general guidelines (for example, see the ten points from the Central Propaganda Department to all media), but this particular report was subjected to a full discussion prior to release by the People's Daily from whence all other media carried it to feed the firestorm. Specifically, the Beijing News reported that People's Daily followed "all relevant procedures required for these types of articles" (此類文章所要求的所有相關程序).
[translation] A Letter from the Lianjiang County Party Chairman to People's Daily.
I am the Fujian Province Lianjiang County Committee Secretary. During the investigation of a typical corruption case (namely, the Fujian province Lianjiang Country Riverside Road construction project) in which officials conspired with business people to cause the nation to lose more than 60 million yuan and individual citizens to lost almost 3 million yuan, I stuck to the party principles and fulfilled the obligations of my job. I was not surprised that my life was threatened, but I was perplexed by the fact that I encountered numerous obstructions as well as lack of support from my superiors and other related departments!
Previously, I was the Fuzhou City Financial Committee Secretary and I investigated the famous Fuzhou City "Pigs Case" which made me a thorn in some people's sides. In 1998, the Fuzhou City Financial Committee Environmental Department head was investigating the manner in which pigs were being slaughtered, and he was systematically surrounded by evil forces and subsequently physically beaten to death. At the time, certain police cadres inside the Fuzhou City government provided a protective umbrella for those evil forces who were not brought to justice for a long time. Finally, with the approval of the national leadership and two exposés on CCTV's "Focused Interview" program, the case finally moved forward after a four year delay. The two principals were sentenced to death, and more than ten other associates were sentenced to prison terms that ranged from 3 years to life. More than twenty officials from the Fuzhou City Committee Political Department and other related departments were dismissed, disciplined and punished.
During the investigation of the "Pigs Case", I received threatening letters or telephone calls for a total of 26 times. During those years, the Public Security Bureau provided security guards for me to go back and forth from work, with up to nine people to protect my family. I wore a bullet-proof vest when I go to work.
In January 2002, I was transferred as the Fuzhou City Financial Committee Secretary to become Lianjiang County Committee Chairman. I thought that I could move away from that kind of lifestyle. But reality turned out to be very different. In order to recover lost national resources and the citizens' rights, I had to investigate the corruption case of the Lianjiang County Riverside Road construction project. So once again, I was threatened again and I had to wear a bullet-proof vest.
On January 26, 2002, I showed up for work at Lianjiang. My organization remembered the situation about the "Pigs Case" in Fuzhou, and therefore arranged for me to stay at the military post out of consideration of my personal safety. I never imagined that when I went to work on the morning of January 27, I would be blocked by more than 100 citizens at the entrance to the military post. The comrades at the office told me that these were displaced citizens from the Lianjiang County Riverside Road construction project. Since this was a complicated matter that involved the former Lianjiang County Committee Secretary, I calmed the crowd down for the moment. I had no intention of doing anything.
I did not imagine that on the next morning, there would be more than 200 people blocking the gate. On the third day, the crowd grew to more than 300 people. Some of the citizens knew about my background. They said that if I had the courage to tackle the "Pigs Case," then I surely could not be afraid of this little piece of business. At the time, I told them that I needed to do some investigation. On March 15, on the petition day for the entire county, more than 600 people gathered at the reception room of the County Committee Secretary, holding banners and placards and yelling slogans. I and my workers received them, and the citizens presented us with a letter of complaint signed with their handprints. They told us about how the preceding county leaders and cadres conspired with commercial developers to take over national resources and infringe upon the rights of the displaced citizens. The citizen representatives said: The Communist Party wants to talk about the "Three Representatives", so the Committee Secretary and other middle-level cadres cannot ignore the calls of the masses, for otherwise they cannot be said to be "representatives." Afterwards, I spoke with some county leaders and middle-level cadres and I found out that this was a potentially serious case of corruption that affected more than 700 displaced families as well as massive losses in national resources.
At the time, I felt very ambivalent. After having lived dangerously for several years, I really did not want to involved in this type of case. I only wanted to improve the economy of Lianjiang Country. Besides, it is politically sensitive to investigate one's predecessor. But to refrain would be to avoid the conflict and to ignore the interests of the nation and the citizens, and that would be contradictory to the values of party members. I was the County Committee Secretary and the number one person in the county. When the people called for me, I must answer to them. I cannot ignore what the people tell me, and I cannot ignore a case of corruption. So once again the people brought me back into the fold. I reported the matter to the Fuzhou City Committee Secretary, who then asked me to get to the bottom of the case.
Over a period of time, a lead group and related departments made a detailed and serious investigation of the residual problems from the Lianjiang County Riverside Road construction project, and uncovered the shocking details of the losses in national resources and damages to citizen rights.
In 2000, the County had decided to build the an anti-flood levee in Lianjiang County and to reconstruct the Riverside Road. Under the orders of the former County Committee Secretary, the engineering project was valuated at 30 million yuan without any assessment by the related departments. It was also decided to use four pieces of land totaling more than 100 hectares next to the Lianjiang Royal Hotel as compensation. The land was to be sold at the low price of 200,000 yuan per hectare for a total of 26,720,000 yuan to the bid winner in order to pay for the construction work. This low land price was also not assessed by the related departments. The remaining 3,280,000 yuan would be paid for by the County government. According to the former Land Department head, this was figure incorrect because if the land had been auctioned off publicly, it would be sold for more than 40,000 yuan per hectare for total revenues of more than 46,000,000 yuan. But the County Committee Secretary ignored the advice and fast-tracked the decision.
During the bidding process, all other companies were advised to withdraw because this was the County Committee Secretary's personal item and the project was awarded to a company known as the Australian Hsiungbao Company which was formed by several developers (it was reported that they held Australian citizenship) from Fuqing, where the County Chairman came from. Later, these developers formed the Fuzhou City Yuanzheng Real Estate Development Limited Company to operate the Riverside Road reconstruction project.
According to the estimate by the Audit Department, this construction project should cost only 11,960,000 yuan which was different from the set price by a total of 18,040,000 yuan. At the same time, four nationally owned sites were forced to relocate: the Lianjiang County Yinfu Corporation, the Museum, the Phoenix City Clinic and the Cultural Center, causing a total loss of 10,420,000 yuan. Using the Yinfu Corporation as an example, the store used to have 774 square meters in shopping area with 140 square meters for storage, and it was turned into 140 square meters in shopping area with 774 square meters for storage. The net loss was more than 6,000,000 yuan already.
During the reconstruction of the Riverside Road, 41.25 hectares of land were used in order to eliminate the curve and turn the road straight. The land was nationally owned, but the developers took it over without compensation, which was assessed to be worth 17,000,000 yuan. Moreover, the developers did not pay more than 3,000,000 yuan in construction fees as well as taxes of more than 1 million yuan for selling the land back. For the above, the total cost to the national coffers was more than 49 million yuan. Plus the fact that the 100 hectares of land were sold at the low price of 200,000 plus yuan per hectare to the developers, costing another 20 million yuan in losses. In total, the nation lost about 68 million yuan.
Furthermore, the rights of the displaced citizens were also seriously deprived, causing the displaced citizens to petition ceaselessly in groups. At the end of 1995, the rate of compensation for displacement in Lianjiang County was set at 413 yuan per square meter. In 2000, logically speaking, the rate of compensation should have risen up in accordance with the index of living. But in the interests of the developers, under the direction of the former County Committee Secretary, the county government issued document #262 which changed the 1995 rate of compensation down by a further 83 yuan per hectare. This probably made Lianjiang County the only county out of 2,500 plus countries in the whole of China that went in the other direction. But even so, the developers were not satisfied because they short-changed some of the displaced families on the area size of their homes. The total loss to the displaced families was more than 3 million yuan.
In order to properly handle the residual problems from the Riverside Road reconstruction project, I held a meeting of the County Standing Committee on April 1 and formed a special committee to conduct a thorough investigation of the problems. On April 15, I conducted a joint meeting of the leaders of the five related departments and we agreed that there were problems with the Riverside Road reconstruction project and that we would take a realistic and pragmatic approach to seek the facts and support the cadres in their work. We also made the decision to recover the 41.25 hectare of nationally owned land. Later, the Lianjiang government issued documents number 60 and 61 (2002) "Notice concerning the temporary halt in using nationally owned land" to ask the developers to cease using the land that was owned by the nation until they have paid the full amount of money. The developers disagreed with the decision, and appealed to the Fuzhou City Government.
On May 28, personnel from the Fuzhou City Disciplinary Committee came to Lianjiang to investigate the related situation, and thought that this was a typical case of corruption. But I did not anticipate that that after they left, their draft document of June 20 would say that the Lianjiang government was wrong and the developers were right. I was very angry and I demanded that the City Committee and the City Disciplinary Committee should convene a meeting to hear my report. At that meeting, I condemned the City Disciplinary Committee investigators for issuing a report that contradicted the facts.
On June 14, an insider entrepreneur informed me that the developers had discussed a couple of days ago about hiring an assassin to kill me. I reported that to the City Committee. On June 20, the Fuzhou City Public Security Bureau received instructions from the City Committee to form a special 6/20 task force and ordered the Lianjiang Public Security Bureau to provide me with two police officers as protection.
The Fuzhou City task force discovered that the developers did not have Australian citizenship, that their company was not an Australian company, and that the Yuanzheng Company which was formed specifically for the Riverside Road construction project did not really have 10,000,000 million in investment assets. This was a classical "false foreign business, false corporation and false credit" case.
On July 6, acting upon the demand from the City Committee, Lianjiang County formed a special investigation task force for the Riverside Road corruption case. At the time, the developers had fled already and only the deputy general manager Zhou Lungcheng of the Yuanzheng Company was arrested. Zhou admitted that the company paid bribes to several dozens of officials in order to win this project. In the interest of reducing the damage and stabilizing the situation, the County Committee convened a meeting and promised that those officials who turned themselves in would not be punished. In the end, 33 officials who received bribes turned themselves in. Six related officials who did not turn themselves in, including a deputy mayor, the head of the Education Department, the head of the Water Works Department and the mayor of Fungcheng Town were dismissed from their jobs and subjected to the appropriate party discipline.
To recover the losses to the country, to protect the rights of the citizens and to punish corrupt officials should be supported by various leaders and departments. But during the investigation of this case, there were various obstructing forces that covered up this corruption case like a big net. This really troubled me.
On July 26, 2002, I was informed that the Fuzhou City government had issued an administrative document with the signature of the mayor to the developers, but the Lianjiang government was totally ignorant of the fact. In other words, the concerned department at the City government informed the developers but not the Lianjiang County government. This administrative document rescinded Lianjiang County government (2002) documents number 60 and 61 "Notice concerning the temporary halt in using nationally owned land." The Lianjiang government dissented and appealed to the Lianjiang Court. This case was then referred quickly to the Fuzhou City Middle-Level People's Court, where it has not been decided after more than two years.
In August, letters that slandered and attacked me personally were distributed to various provincial, city and county departments and people. Most of the towns, departments and enterprises in Lianjiang County turned in those letters to the office of the Lianjiang County Committee. On August 29, the provincial leaders paid attention to the development of this case and Fuzhou City formed a special 8/29 task force of more than 30 people from the City Disciplinary Committee and the City Public Prosecutor's Office and came to Lianjiang to investigate on September 2. The task force demanded that the Lianjiang case be transferred to the city, but I dissented. On September 12, the Fuzhou City Disciplinary Committee, the City Public Security Bureau and the City Prosecutor's Office leaders came to Lianjiang, and I informed them that the task force was behaving abnormally because it looked as if they were attempting to stop the investigation. At the time, the leaders did not react. On September 13, the task force was withdrawn and reported the conclusion that there was no corruption case in Lianjiang and that only about 3 million yuan was in an unexplained "grey area". At the same time, the rumor that "Huang Jingao loves to fight" began to circulate widely, saying that Huang Jingao likes "class struggle" which he brings with him everywhere that he goes.
This went on until December 26 when the Fuzhou City Committee held a large meeting to discuss this case, with a total of six party chairpersons, two Standing Committee members who were leaders in related departments, the person in charge of the City's special task force and the party and government leaders of Lianjiang County. During the meeting, the special task force leader insisted that there was only 3 million yuan in a "grey area" in Lianjiang. I was very angry and I argued that the conclusions from the special task force were not consistent with the facts and that they were covering up corruption and overlooking the illegal elements who were robbing the national resources and damaging the rights of the 700 displaced families.
Just when this case reached a critical stage, my superiors told me to spend six months to study at the Central Party School. Thereafter, there was a rumor that Huang Jingao was forced to leave Lianjiang for his fighting ways and that he would be transferred away as soon as his studies are completed. During this period, the case was shelved temporarily and even Zhou Lungzheng was released from custody.
In April 2002, Lianjiang County attempted to seek payment for the 3 million yuan for construction fees from the Yuanzheng Company due to the relocation of the people. Over the course of 18 months, in spite of pressure from many places, the County with the approval of the Provincial People's Congress and the Provincial level department obtained a court order from the Lianjiang County Court. However, the Yuanzheng Company refused to pay and even petition the National Petition Office in the hope of having some higher-level authority to step in and let them get off. When the Lianjiang County Court was ready to auction off the company assets, the Fuzhou City Middle-Level Court intervened with a temporary injunction, so that the enforcement has still not be effected at this time.
I am aware that my actions have violated many unwritten rules of officialdom, and this might have caused some people to feel uncomfortable. But it is precisely these unwritten rules that have permitted corruption to rot our political and party systems. Sometimes, these unwritten rules are backed by powerful forces so as to make their opponents' work impossible. During the more than two years of this case, various kinds of rumors as well as overt and hidden obstructions, including threats on my life, have worn me down. But I did not despair from the setbacks that I encountered in this case. I did not give up, because I believe in this: the eyes of the people are clear and the flag of the Communist Party will fly forever.
When the situation got really dangerous, I wrote down my "second" final will and I was determined to risk my position and my life to get to the bottom of this case. When I encountered the forces of obstruction, there was always a warm current to encourage and support me. Some provincial leaders, provincial people's congress representatives, provincial disciplinary committee members and provincial prosecutors continued to encourage me to look into this case. The most comforting fact was that the people of Lianjiang gave me their support and trust and told my superiors many times about the situation. Many Lianjiang citizens say that Huang Jingao is "a good official, a hardworking official and a wearied official" and they used various means to hope that I will continue to fight to the end with the people of Lianjiang.
On December 2, 2003, the Riverside Road case of Lianjiang reached a turning point. The Fuzhou City Committee Secretary came to Lianjiang to inspect the drought situation in the Huangqi Peninsula and he spoke to the county mayor and me. He told us clearly to conclude the case of the land deal and to recover the national resources that were lost on account of improper procedures. Later, the Fuzhou City Prosecutor's Office which originally did not want to "support prosecution" said that it will "support prosecution" by the Lianjiang Prosecutor's Office in the matter of the lost national resources. The court also determined that the Yuanzheng Company should pay back more than 7 million yuan in the compensation for the Yinfu Company and the Fungcheng Clinic, which when added to the more than 3 million yuan for the construction fee for the relocation, meant that the nation recovered more than 10 million yuan. The developer Zhen Daiyiu is now being sought by the Public Security Bureau. But more recently, this case has brought out the fact that certain citizens who were attempting to petition for the rights of the displaced citizens in the Riverside Road reconstruction project were arrested, tortured and sentenced to jail, and their cases have not been vindicated yet.
Compared to the total amount of lost national resources, the more than 10 million yuan is only a small fraction. The case of the 41.25 hectares (which was worth 17 million yuan in 2000) has been sitting in the Fuzhou City Middle-Level Court for more two years without a resolution. In the interest of social stability, the three million yuan due to the citizens has been paid by the government already even as the developers who robbed the national resources have not faced justice yet. Due to the delays by the related City departments, this case has not yet been fully concluded and the lost national resources have not been fully recovered.
At a time when the "Regulations on Inner-Party Supervision of the Communist Party of China" and the "Regulations on the Punishment for the Discipline Violation of the Party" were just declared to be operative, should it really be so difficult for a County Committee Secretary to handle a corruption case within his jurisdiction?
Fujian Province Lianjiang County Committee Secretary Huang Jingao
August 8, 2004.
连江县委书记致信人民网：为何防弹衣随我6年
我作为中共福建省连江县委书记，在组织查处一起因官商勾结而造成国有资产流失6000多万元、群众利益损失近300万元的典型腐败案件——福建省连江县江滨路开发建设腐败案时，坚持党性，履行自己的职责，受到了生命威胁，我并不感意外，但我却是遇到重重阻力，得不到上一级有关领导和相关部门的支持，我深感困惑！
我在福州市财委主任任上，在查处轰动全国的 福州“猪案”时，就成为个别人眼中钉、肉中刺。1998年福州市财委保卫处长在查处违法生猪屠宰窝点时，被黑恶团伙势力有组织的围攻、殴打致死，因当时福州市政法系统一些干警充当社会黑恶势力的保护伞，长时间犯罪分子得不到应有的惩处，后经党和国家领导人批示， 中央电视台《焦点访谈》栏目两次曝光披露，案件历时四年才得以浮出水面，依法得到查处，两名主犯被判除死刑，其他10多名涉案人员被判3年至无期徒刑不等，近20名福州市政法系统和相关部门干部因此案被判刑、撤职、处分。在查处“猪案”期间，我曾26次接到过恐吓信件和电话，对我进行生命威胁。几年时间，由公安部门派出保卫人员护送我上下班，最多时我的家庭有9个保卫人员。我整天穿、带防弹衣上下班。2002年1月，我从福州财委调任连江县委书记，以为可以摆脱这种生活状态，但愿望与事实往往有差距，其原因就是为了挽回流失的国有资产和受损的群众利益，我掀开了连江县江滨路改造建设腐败案件，再次受到威胁，下乡、外出又得都随带防弹衣。
2002年1月26日，我到连江上任。组织上考虑福州“猪案”查处的情况，为了我的人身安全，以防万一，安排我住在驻连部队机关。但我没有想到，1月27日一早上班，我就被100多名群众堵在驻军宿地门口，办公室同志告诉我这些都是江滨路拆迁户，事情牵涉到前任县委书记，比较复杂。于是我安抚了群众，并未作任何查处案件的打算。没想到第二天早上上班，又被200多名群众堵住门口；到第三天，增加到300多人。一些群众了解我的底细，问我在福州连“猪案”都敢搞，到这里这点事都不敢管吗？当时我表示要作一番调查。3月15日全县信访接待日，近600名群众聚集在县委书记的接访室前，打着标语、漫画，大喊冤情，我和工作人员接待了他们，群众代表带着几百人按着手印的上诉书，向我倾诉上一任县领导和一些干部与开发商相勾结、大肆侵吞国有资产、严重损害拆迁户利益的问题，群众代表要求：既然共产党讲“三个代表”，群众的疾呼，县委就不能置若罔闻，否则何处“代表”，“代表”什么？随后，我找一些县领导和中层干部了解情况，得知这可能是一起严重的腐败案，牵涉到700多户群众的利益和国有资产的大量流失。
应该说，当时我心情十分矛盾，经历了几年惊涛骇浪般艰险的生活，我实在不想再卷入到此类案件中，只想把连江的经济好好搞上去。再说后任查处前任的案件，这在政治上颇多忌讳。可是如果不管，就是回避矛盾，置国家利益与群众利益于不顾，作为一个党员，我于心不安；作为一个县委书记、县里“一把手”，“民有所呼，我有所应”，群众反映的问题不能置之不问，腐败问题更不能坐视不管，是群众把我推到了风口浪尖上。最后我向福州市委书记汇报了有关情况，书记要求查个水落石出。
经过连江县江滨路改造建设遗留问题协调工作领导小组和相关部门一段时间的认真调查，基本查清了江滨路改造建设中存在着触目惊心的国有资产流失和群众利益严重受损问题。2000年，县里决定投资建设连江县防洪堤及江滨路改造工程，在前任县委书记的运作下，并没有经过有关部门评估，一下子把工程造价定为3000万元，并决定将连江皇家大酒店附近的4块土地100多亩作为捆绑，以每亩20多万元总计2672万元低价出让给中标者，以抵偿工程款来建设江滨路堤工程，其余328万元由县财政支付。且这用以抵偿工程款的土地价格也未经有关部门评估。原县土地局长认为这样做不妥，如果直接拍卖土地，按当时的市场价每亩就可以拍到40多万，总计可以获得土地出让金4600多万元左右。前任县委书记不听，直接拍板决定了。工程招标时其他公司都被一一劝退，说这是书记项目，请他们不要插手，最终由书记老家福清的几名开发商（据他们称是澳大利亚籍）以澳大利亚雄宝公司名义中标，后来他们成立了福州市源盛房地产开发有限公司运作江滨路改造建设工程。
该工程经审计部门审计，实际上只耗资1196万元，与原定的造价相差1804万元。同时，被拆迁的连江县饮服公司、博物馆、凤城卫生院、文化馆四家单位国有资产流失1042万元。以饮服公司为例，原本有店面774平方米、仓库140平方米，回迁时变成以店面140平方米、仓库774平方米计算，仅此项损失就达600多万元。在江滨路改造过程中堤路改弯取直新增的41.25亩建设土地，依法应属国有，但也被开发商侵吞，按当时市场价值1700多万元。此外，开发商还拒不缴纳人防易地建设费300多万元，以及倒卖土地所得的税款100万元。以上国有资产流失4900多万元，加上100多亩土地未经评估以每亩20多万的低价抵偿给开发商，国家又损失近2000万元。总计国有资产有形、无形流失6800多万元。
此外，被拆迁的老百姓利益也受到严重侵害，引起拆迁户不断群体上访。连江县1995年底的拆迁货币补偿差价标准是每平方米413元，到了2000年，按理说，随着物价指数上涨，对百姓拆迁户的补偿标准是要提高，但为了开发商的利益，在前任县委书记的授意下，县政府出了262号文件，更改了地段级别，每平方米的货币补偿标准反而比1995年的文件规定下降了83元。这在全国2500多个县份恐怕是唯一一个倒行逆施的案例。但开发商还不满足，在回迁时，一些拆迁户的实际面积又要比约定补偿面积短缺几平方米，总计拆迁户损失近300万元。
为妥善解决江滨路改造建设遗留问题，4月1日，我召集了县委常委会，决定成立江滨路改造建设遗留问题协调工作领导小组，对江滨路遗留问题全面进行调查摸底。4月15日，又召开县五套班子领导联席会议，通报江滨路改造建设中土地使用存在问题，提出了“实事求是，正本清源，有错就纠，爱护干部，软着陆”的处理原则，并作出收回41.25亩国有土地的决定。后由连江县政府作出连政综〔2002〕60、61号《关于暂停使用国有土地的通知》，要求开发商暂停使用应属国有的新增建设用地，须交清土地出让金后，才有权开发建设。开发商不服，向福州市政府申请复议。
5月28日，市纪委人员来连江调查相关情况，当时表示这是个典型腐败案件。没想到6月8日，市纪委人员回去后，形成的调查稿认为是连江政府理亏，开发商有理。我十分气愤，要求市委、市纪委开会听取关于连江“地案”的汇报，我在会上据理力争，驳斥纪委调查人员作出的与事实不符的报告。
6月14日，一位熟知内情的企业家悄悄告知我，开发商两天前商量雇佣“黑道”杀手对我下手。我随后向市委汇报。6月20日，福州市公安局根据市委领导的批示，成立“6·20”专案组，并令连江县公安局为我配置了两位保卫干警。福州市专案组查出这几名开发商根本就不是澳大利亚籍，公司也不是澳大利亚公司，专门为开发江滨路工程而特意注册成立的源盛公司有1000万元注册资本属虚假出资，是典型的“假外商、假公司、假资信”。7月6日，根据市委要求，连江县成立了江滨路腐败案件调查专案组，此时开发商已闻风而逃，只拘押了犯罪嫌疑人源盛公司副总经理周龙盛，他坦白为了获得这项工程，曾向连江数十名党政干部送了红包。为了减少打击面，稳定局面，县委召开大会，决定只要主动投案说明问题，将不予处理，最后有收受红包的33名干部投案自首。未投案自首的6名相关干部包括原政府一副县长、教育局长、水利局局长、凤城镇镇长等先后被撤职，并受到相应党政纪处分。
挽回国家损失，保护百姓利益，惩治贪官污吏，原本应得到各级领导和有关部门的大力支持。但在查办此案过程中，不断有各种阻力进行干扰，似乎有一张看不见的大网，试图盖住这个腐败案件。面对这种政治漩涡，我对此困惑难解。
2002年7月26日，有人告知我福州市政府已经作出经市长签字同意的行政复议书，开发商接到好几天了，而连江县政府对此却一无所知，也就是说市政府有关部门先通知了开发商却没通知连江县政府。复议书撤销了连江县政府〔2002〕60号、61号《关于暂停使用国有土地的通知》。连江县政府不服，向连江县法院起诉。案件却很快被提到福州市中级人民法院审理，但至今已两年多尚未判决。
8月份，恶意诽谤、攻击我个人的信件在省市机关和连江的社会上开始广为散发，连江县的绝大部分乡镇、机关、企事业单位把诽谤信交到连江县委办公室。随着案情的发展，在省领导的关注下，8月29日，市里成立以市纪委、市公检法部门集成的专案组，“8·29”专案组30人左右，9月2日来连江调查，要求把连江“地案”全部移到市里来办，我对此表示不同意见。9月12日，福州市纪委、市公安局、市检察院领导来连江，我反映市专案组工作很不正常，是在搞反调查，但几位领导不表态。9月13日市专案组撤离，得出结论连江没有腐败案，连江只有300多万元说不清楚、道不明白的“灰色地带”。与此同时， “黄金高好斗”的舆论开始广泛传播，说黄金高喜欢搞“阶级斗争”，走到哪里，斗到哪里。
一直拖到12月26日，福州市委召开书记扩大会议讨论此案，有6名书记、2名常委和市有关部门领导、市专案组的负责人、连江县党政主要领导等参加。会上，市专案组还是坚持连江只有300多万元的“灰色地带”，我十分愤慨，据理力争，当场指出专案组的调查结果与事实严重不符，是在掩饰腐败，漠视不法分子光天化日之下侵吞国有资产和侵害700多拆迁户的合法权益。就在案件进展到关键阶段的时候，2003年2月，上级通知我去中央党校学习半年，随后社会上谣传我黄金高因为好斗，在连江呆不下了，学习一结束肯定要被调离。在这期间，案件查处暂搁，已被拘押的周龙盛也被释放。
连江县人防办2002年4月即对源盛公司拒绝缴纳300多万元人防易地建设费一案进行查处，在一年半时间里，顶住各方面压力，终于在省人大、省市人防职能部门的支持下，于2003年7月得到连江县法院准予强制执行的裁定。然而源盛公司拒不执行，到处上访，甚至上访到国家信访局，寄希望于领导签批，企图不履行法定义务。正当连江法院对该公司采取强制执行，准备公开拍卖的时候，8月22日福州市中级法院要求连江法院暂缓执行，致使强制执行迟迟未能进行。
我知道自己的许多行为违反了官场的潜规则，让一些人感到很不舒服。正是这些潜规则纵容了腐败，腐蚀着我们党和政府的肌体。然而这些约定俗成的官场潜规则又往往拥有巨大的力量，让与其相抗衡的人举步维艰。在整整2年多时间内，各种流言蜚语，或明或暗的阻力，甚至生命威胁，让我心力交瘁，但我并没有因查处案件受到挫折而心灰意冷，我没有屈服，因为我坚信：人民的眼睛是雪亮的，共产党的旗帜是永远飘扬的。在局势艰难诡谲的情况下，我第二度写下了“遗书”，下定决心，就算拼着掉了乌纱帽、流血，也要把此案搞清楚。在遇到重重阻力的同时，幸运的是也有一股暖流在鼓励我支持我，一些省领导，省人大、省纪委和省检察院等有关部门一直支持连江查处此案。而最让我欣慰的是，连江的老百姓给了我巨大的支持和信任，多次为我向上级部门反映情况。许多连江百姓都感慨地说，黄金高是“好官、苦官、累官”，他们用各种方式表示希望要我和连江的百姓一起走到底。
2003年12月2日，连江江滨路案件有点转机，福州市委书记来连江调研黄岐半岛旱情时，找我和县长谈话，明确指示连江“地案”要尽快结案，违法操作而造成流失的国有资产应当追回。随后，原本不赞成“支持起诉”的福州市检察院同意连江县检察院对国有资产的流失案件可以“支持起诉”，法院也判决源盛公司应补偿饮服公司、凤城卫生院损失700多万元，加上强制执行的300多万元人防建设费，已为国家挽回损失1000多万元。开发商陈代耀等也被公安机关上网通缉。但最近又牵出一起出于正义同情而为连江江滨路拆迁中合法权益严重受损的上访群众订正材料的热血青年被无辜逼供、拷打、判刑入狱的冤假错案，至今未得到平反。
然而，与流失的巨额国有资产相比，已追回的1000多万元只不过是其中一小部分。而41.25亩新增建设用地（按2000年价值为1700万元）案件福州市中院拖了两年至今仍未判决。为了社会安定稳定，拆迁户的近300万元损失还得政府先行补偿，目前侵占国有资产的开发商还逍遥法外，案件因市相关部门拖而不决而无法全面结案。流失的国有资产还未能全部追回。
在 《中国共产党党内监督条例（试行）》和 《中国共产党纪律处分条例》颁布实施的今日，一个县委书记查处辖区内的腐败案件，真的这么难吗？！！
中共福建连江县委书记 黄金高
2004年8月8日
