Teresa Shih's Open Letter to Her Father
Shih Ming-teh is currently leading a public campaign to bring down President Chen Shui-bian in Taiwan. Teresa Shih is the daughter of Shih-Ming-teh. She wrote an open letter to her father. The letter is translated below.
(Liberty Times) October 9, 2006.
(in translation)
This is a difficult piece of writing and is perhaps the most difficult piece of writing that I have done since I began creative writing at 15. In the midst of the roar of the red tide and the blossoming of flowers everywhere, I wondered how I can let Father understand my initial and my ultimate hopes.
I sit on a stone bench in front of the Sun Yat-Sen Memorial Hall, with a notebook computer on my lap. The sky is full of flying kites, and your only granddaughter is weaving through the crowd in the bicycle that she has just learned to ride. Compared to the passions on Ketagalan Avenue, the time/space in which I am writing this seems to belong to a different world.
But is that really so? Does bringing one's child to play in front of the Sun Yat-Sen Memorial Hall mean that one is not a citizen of Taiwan, or one does not care about the current situation in Taiwan? I don't think that it should be defined this way, just as not wearing red clothes does not mean that you are opposed to anti-corruption and you support Ah Bian. Are such simple classifications too brash? Is Taiwan really entering a polarized world of either black or white?
Could President Chen Shui-bian be just a symbol? Would anyone else with the title of President end up in the same way? Could it be that the present constitutional system is the root cause of the present chaos in Taiwan? Could it be that we have much greater hope on the Democratic Progressive Party government than the Kuomintang which hadn't changed for fifty years?
Yet, the same system did not lead to a different government! This should be expected, but now there is causing big trouble.
When the Democratic Progressive Party first assumed power, the people were expecting a completely different and fresh new government. But six years later, we see that the flaws in the Chen Shui-bian government were the same ones inherited from the government of the Chiang family and the Lee government. The problems with the special funds of the Taipei City mayor also exist among all the county and city mayors across Taiwan without exception. Perhaps the people of Taiwan can understand that the President cannot tell everybody about everything that he does, but the people of Taiwan cannot accept the Chen Shui-bian government which carried all the fresh expectations is committing the same errors.
So who then is responsible for this tragedy? Is it President Chen Shui-bian? Is it the Democratic Progressive Party? Is it the Kuomintang? Is it human greed? Is it the stupidity within the system? We see instead numerous Taiwan citizens suffering from this tragedy, and I believe that my pioneering father must be heartbroken as well from seeing this.
When I see the red figures on Ketagalan Avenue, time seems to rush back to the fierce fire torches in the streets of Kaohsiung twenty-seven years ago. The fires back then lit up democracy and freedom in Taiwan, so that Father can appear as a veteran general today once again to lead hundreds of thousands of people in front of the Presidential Office to bravely express the disappointment of the people and the will to oppose corruption.
Yet when the heroic slogans are combined with the local clashes and the extreme polarization, we wonder if the democracy that was hard-earned from twenty-seven years of hard work may disintegrate in a single day? I don't understand why wearing red clothes does not mean anti-Bian but it can only mean anti-corruption, while not wearing red clothes does not mean pro-Bian but it can also mean a fervent desire for peace in Taiwan. These two forces ought to be conceptually similar, so why should they rip Taiwan into a life-or-death hatred?
Is it because on this piece of land, there are too many irreconcilable historical hatreds, or because people don't want to reconcile? We can observe with seemingly no alternative that people oppose in order to oppose, resist in order to resist, corruption cases are never resolved cleanly, legislation affecting people's livelihood never gets passed, the rich/poor wealth gap is increasing, the number of suicides is rising yearly, ... what can the people of Taiwan do? What kind of government will we elect in 2008? Or shall I say, what kind of new government can we expect under the same system?
After Ah-Bian is gone, will Taiwan really enter a new epoch? Does bringing down the Chen Shui-bian government solve all of the problems? To skirt the legal and political processes to dump Ah-Bian via protests is setting up a precedent. There is no guarantee that someone will not find reasons for dissatisfaction to do the same thing against the new president elected in 2008. Could it be that when the next generation grows up, Ketagalan Avenue will always be filled with people demanding the president to quit? We have naively believed that the alternation of political party rule can solve all the problems. But after these six years, we understand with bitterness that all the root sources lead to a deeper truth -- the outcomes are determined by the constitutional system, and it is this truth that is making us unable to move.
At the level of the economy, a corrupt and rotten government is something that both farmers and laborers demand first and foremost to have reforms to clean out. We all remember that in the past two years, the farmers and laborers have issued many condemnations and howls against the Chen Shui-bian government. But the red tide let us see the exact opposite situation -- most of the grassroots working class are trying to use different voices to defend this government. Can it be that they don't oppose corruption? Do they want their hard-earned money be spent in unaccountable ways?
In the past 27 years, it has been a winding and hard journey for this land and the people who grew up here! Their nervous fear is that the hard-won democratic rule may vanish! Democracy, freedom and the rule of law are not exclusive rights of high intellectuals. Democracy, freedom and the rule of law are basic spiritual values that everybody shares. The reason why the grassroots working class wants to wave flags and cheer to oppose the red tide is not because they tolerate a corrupt government, but because they long deeply for a more complete Taiwan and they are even more afraid of losing the long-suffering mother known as Taiwan.
The revision or building of the constitution is a difficult subject to broach, because it always involves the confrontation between the opposing views of unification and independence. We all want a beautiful Taiwan after this problem has been thoroughly solved. We don't want to take a risk as if we are betting on a Russian roulette each time. How much disappointment can the people of Taiwan endure with each new president and each new government?
Who can help the people of Taiwan to get a perfect and beautiful Taiwan? Who is willing to accept the responsibility for this difficult challenge?
When I observe Father's ability to arouse response on Ketagalan Avenue, I think that if we can also calmly consider the similarities and differences among us, then perhaps this force can produce a new system for Taiwan -- a constitutional system that is excellent and fits Taiwan! Can you please stop your footsteps and consider briefly and examine the deepest corner of our consciences? Or perhaps you can walk a little further and ask whether you need to dump Ah-Bian or use your public charisma to help Taiwan come up with an appropriate constitutional system. I think that this is the basic responsibility of a pioneer, and this is also what Father has previously advocated.
This is a hard step. For Father, for the Democratic Progressive Party, for the Kuomintang and even for the people of Taiwan, it will not be easy. But for Father and this piece of land known as Taiwan, an even more difficult road has been traversed already, right or not? Right now, Taiwan needs more tolerance, embrace and the alertness to explore the nature of the problems.
But I am not especially alert. From another point of view, the so-called family members of political victims are also political victims themselves. I and many other people will carry the same burden for the rest of our lives about the years of darkness. We have the same longing for Taiwan, for tolerance towards different groups and for absolute sensitivity about hatred.
In my life, 'Father' was always only a descriptive term, because you were never by my side. Yet within the infinite solitude and the unaided explorations, I am proud that I have the opportunity to dedicate my father to the people of Taiwan and to democracy, freedom and rule of law in Taiwan. It was like this twenty-seven years ago, and it is no different twenty-seven years later today. I sincerely hope that Taiwan will once again see the blossoming of democratic flowers in Taiwan, and I hope even more that Father will assume this heavy burden at this critical moment!
Due to popular demand from netizens in mainland China, here is the original in simplified Chinese:
施佩君给父亲的一封公开信--最初与最后的期待
这是一次艰困的书写，或许是我自十五岁开始创作以来最难下笔的一段文字，因为在一片红潮与遍地开花铺天盖地的声浪中，我犹疑著要如何才能让父亲了解我最初也是最后的期待？
坐在国父纪念馆的石椅，笔记电脑端放在我的膝上，天空中满是飞扬的风筝，而您唯一的外孙女骑著她刚学会的单车在人群中穿梭，对应著凯达格兰大道上的激情，我正在书写的这个空间与时刻恍若隔世。
但，真的是这样吗？在国父纪念馆里面带著小孩玩耍的就不是台湾的子民，就不关心台湾的现状吗？我想，也许不该这样去定义人性，诚如不穿红衫并不代表反对反贪腐，就代表一定是挺扁，这样的区隔与简单的分类会不会是过于轻率？台湾真的要走入非黑即白的绝对世界了吗？
会不会陈水扁总统只是一个代号？总统这个职称前面换成谁的名字都是一样的结局？会不会追根究柢是因为现有的宪政制度造就了台湾此刻的乱象？是因为我们对民进党政府的期待远大于五十年不变的国民党政府？
然而，同样的制度并没有突变出不同的政府！这应为意料中事，如今却是轩然大波。
民进党初初执政之时，人民期待著截然不同的清新政府，但是六年后我们看到显露在陈水扁政府的就是从当年蒋家政权、李氏政权一路沿袭而来的弊病，而台北市长的特支费问题没有例外地也遍布全台各县市长。或许台湾人民可以了解总统行事有其不得公告全国之难处，但是台湾人民却无法接受被期待以全新形象领导台湾的陈水扁政府犯下同样的错。
那么，是谁该为这样的悲剧负责？是陈水扁总统？是民进党政府？还是国民党政府？是人性贪婪？还是制度愚昧？我们看到的却是无数的台湾人民因为这样的悲剧而受苦，而我相信一直身为先行者的父亲也目睹了相同的情况一样的痛心。
当我看见凯达格兰大道上面的红色人影，时间彷佛瞬时回到二十七年前高雄街头上激烈的点点火光，当年的火把点燃了台湾的民主自由，让父亲可以在今天再度以老将之姿披挂上阵，率领数十万群众在总统府前大声而勇敢地表达人民的失望，宣示反贪腐的决心。
为什么要把台湾撕裂成敌我分明
然而遍地开花的壮烈口号搭配著地方冲突以及非黑即白的情势，让我们不禁怀疑台湾这二十七年来辛苦挣得的民主会不会就要一夕崩解？我不懂，身穿红衣支持的不一定是倒扁却一定是反贪腐，不穿红衣也非一定挺扁却可相信是衷心希望台湾和平，这原本应该是相同理念的两股力量，为什么一定要把台湾撕裂成敌我分明的仇恨？
是因为在这块土地上面有太多的历史仇恨无法化解还是不愿意化解？从人性无奈的隙缝中，我们看见为反对而反对，为对抗而对抗，弊案总是无法真相大白，民生法案永远来不及过关，贫富差距越来越大，每年自杀的人数节节上升，台湾人民将何去何从？二○○八年我们将选出一个怎样的政府？或者我们应该说在同样的制度下，我们能期待出怎样的新政府？
所有问题的根源指向宪法制度
倒扁之后，台湾真的就可以开创新纪元吗？结束掉陈水扁政府就可以解决所有的问题吗？不循法治程序径行抗议倒扁，此例一开，难保在面对二○○八年的新总统时，同样也会有人找到不满意的理由如法炮制。会不会到了下一代长大成人之后，凯达格兰大道上面还是永远都有人在那里要求总统下台？我们也曾经天真地以为政党轮替就可以解决所有的问题，可是经过这六年，我们残酷地了解到所有的根源都指向更深沉的真相─是这个宪法制度决定了所有的结局，而这个真相却是让我们如此地举步维艰。
从社会经济层面，一个贪污腐败的国家向来都是农民以及劳工阶级首当其冲渴望革命创造新局，我们都还记得前两年农民跟劳工也对陈水扁政府发出许多的责难与怒吼；可是这次的红潮却让我们看见恰恰相反的现象，大多数的基层劳动阶级努力用不同的声音要捍卫这个政府，难道他们不赞成反贪腐？难道他们希望自己的血汗钱被不明不白的运用？
二十七年来，这块土地以及生长在这里的人民走得多么颠簸何等艰辛！他们所戒慎恐惧的是这些得来不易的民主法治就要烟消云散！民主、自由、法治，不是高级知识份子谈论的专利；民主、自由、法治，是每个人切身感受的根本精神。曾经草莽，曾经摇旗呐喊的劳动阶级如今与红潮的对峙不是要容忍一个贪腐的国家，而是深切渴望一个更完整的台湾，更害怕失去台湾这个历尽艰辛的母亲。
修宪或者制宪向来都是一个难以碰触的话题，永远都充斥著统独的相对立场，我们都想要一个彻底解决问题后完整而美丽的台湾，我们不想要每次都下注在俄罗斯轮盘上的冒险，台湾人民可以承受多少次的新总统新政府以及不断翻新的失望？
有谁可以协助台湾人民得到一个完整而美丽的台湾？谁愿意出来承担这样难为的挑战？
当我感受著父亲在凯达格兰大道一呼百应的力量，我心想，如果大家可以平静下来思考彼此之间的同异，也许，就是这股力量可以让台湾产生一个新制度，一个良善而符合台湾的宪政制度！能不能请停下您的脚步稍微再思考一下，面对我们良心最深沉的角落，或者再走远一点，您需要的不是倒扁，而是用您的群众魅力帮助台湾完成一个合宜的宪政制度，我以为这才是一个先行者的根本责任，而这也是父亲过去曾经主张的。
这是艰难的一步，对父亲，对民进党政府，对国民党政府甚至全台湾人民都绝非易事，但是对父亲、对台湾这块土地而言，更难走的路都捱过了，不是吗？此刻的台湾需要的是更多的宽容、拥抱以及探究问题根本的清醒。
而我并没有特别清醒，所谓政治受难家属从另外一个角度来看，也等同政治受难者，我及许多人这一生都将背负著相同的命运，走过漫长的悲情岁月，对于台湾，对于包容有著不同的体会，对于仇恨有著绝对的敏感，对于未来也有著相对的渴望。
在我的生命中，父亲一直都是个形容词，因为您始终都不在我身边，然而在无尽的孤寂与无助摸索中，我依然骄傲可以有机会将父亲献给台湾人，献给台湾的民主、自由以及法治，二十七年前如此，二十七年后亦无不同。我衷心期待台湾可以再次开出美丽的民主花朵，更期待父亲可以在这个关键时刻再次挑起艰钜的重担！
施佩君：父亲应做台湾更需要的事
施明德的二女儿施佩君，在天下围攻前夕，写了一封信给她的父亲，昨晚她缓缓述说，倒扁和反贪腐的口号是容易的，但不应该是结果，也不是唯一的路，父亲应做对台湾更需要的事，而不是迷失在欢呼与掌声之中。
为什么这时候写信？施佩君认为，太早写，父亲尚在九一五的锋头上，必然听不进去；经过了一个月，遍地开花走完了，造成台湾的乱象已是事实，这时如果再不说话就晚了。
她说，父亲应该见好就收，在宪政与制度上提出建设性主张，而不是开始罢免立委，格局愈玩愈小。
施佩君之于她的父亲，就如她「月蚀」书页封底上的描述─在革命狂飙的年代，一个家庭、一个小孩要如何面对缺席的父亲，与社会异样的眼光。那远方的传说中的父亲存活下来了，成为时代的英雄；但不被看见的小孩要如何幸存，要背负多少无由压下的生存重量？
育有一女的施佩君去年八月选择出书，试图与已经一年多没说话的父亲和解，但并未得到回应，她感叹，父亲没有看这本书，他甚至认为不值得看。
她说，这时再提笔写信，是因为做为施明德的女儿，她对父亲有更大的期待，认为他应该可以做得更好，而这也是最后一次的期待。
(记者邹景雯）
