Memories of The Chinese Elders
In the May 15, 2005 issue to Yazhou Zhoukan (Asia Weekly), Lee Oufan wrote an article about Lien Chan's visit. Lee opened the essay with the statement that he has never ever written anything on behalf of a politician or political party in his very long career as a cultural scholar. But this time, he was moved by the live-televised Lien's speech at Beijing University to write this essay.
Here is the section about Lien's speech:
Before the speech began, I warned my wife: Lien Chen is not a good speaker; he usually reads from a script and is extremely boring. Unexpectedly, Lien did not look at a script at all and his speech was one continuous flow with nary a dull moment. He was also quite emotional in parts, especially when he spoke about the time when his 96-year-old mother attended Yenching University. But the most moving part was in response to a student's question: How is the China that he saw sixty years ago different from the one that he sees today? Lien seemed unable to hold back his childhood memory. He said that his childhood was spent in Xian looking for air-raid caves for shelter every time that the sirens went off.
Here is the section about Lee's memories of his own childhood:
I was born during the War of Resistance in a small and poor village in the western part of Henan province. We lived in terror every day, because we were afraid that the "Japanese ghouls" would come over. One morning, my four-year-old little sister and I were playing in the nearby woods. Suddenly, a group of people appeared at the top of the hill, and there were sounds of machinegun fire. My mother raced over very quickly. I don't know where she got the strength from, but she grabbed one child under each arm and ran back inside the house to take cover ... when I remembered this scene, I found that my eyes were teary. It was the first time in my life that a speech by Lien Chan caused me to associate my own memory.
Although Lee does not consider himself to be a political person, he was nevertheless motivated to write the following commentary:
Afterwards, I thought about it and realized that Lien Chan and I came from the same era and we have similar backgrounds. At a time when the rightwing government in Japan is deliberately revising the educational textbooks, the collective memories of our generation is invaluable and unforgettable. The older generation in Taiwan also has another tragedy -- the 228 incident. But they seemed to have developed amnesia with respect to the bloody suppressions under Japanese occupation, and only the descendants of the aborigines seem to remember.
What about the young people? They were born in security and happiness, and their historical memories are getting shorter and shorter, sometimes even inverted. For example, a young Beijing University who came to Harvard University told me: "During the June 4 student movement, the students were wrong and the government was right!" During a Prague Spring memorial service in Prague, a young man told me: "This was an internal affair among the Communists, and it does not concern me." There are numerous examples in which history gradually disappears from memory through forgetting and revisions.
Enough about other people. What about my own family elders? Most of them did not leave any written or oral histories about their times during the War of Resistance years. The only exception might be the letters written by my maternal grandfather Fong F. Sec collected in the memorial volume. These English-language letters were written to his American friends. I am going to list the two war-time sections here, one before and one after the fall of Shanghai. I will point out that this man is self-effacing and humble to the extreme and his "not doing so much to help" must be seriously understating his actual contribution [brief note: Fong F. Sec held senior positions with the Y.M.C.A. of China; the Institution for the Chinese Blind; the Chinese Ministry to Lepers; the Chinese National Child Welfare Association; and the Rotary Club].
[October 21, 1937]
Mrs. Fong and I are not doing so much to help the war at this time. In face of the great need for medical supplies, a few friends and I sent cable messages to some friends abroad appealing for help for the wounded. The response has been very gratifying and supplies are coming right along. At the time we sent those messages, we were thinking in terms of the needs in Shanghai, but since then air raids have been so widespread throughout the country that the need is many times greater. Mrs. Fong and I are not in charge of any hospital.
The war situation in Shanghai is full of uncertainty. A few weeks ago our streets were crowded with refugees, and wounded soldiers were being brought into the International Settlement and French Concession by the hundreds. Now thousands of refugees have been repatriated, and many thousands are housed in refugee camps. Therefore, our refugee problem has improved. However, as winter comes on, the people in refugee camps need warm clothing and bedding, so there is still a great deal to be done to look after them. Most of the Chinese wounded soldiers are not transported to base hospitals in the interior. The fighting for the most part is some distance away from our city. We hear the boom of cannons in the distance and occasionally the rattle of anti-aircraft guns during air raids. Almost every day we hear the explosion of aerial bombs that Japanese planes drop in the vicinity of Shanghai. The war has been going on for over two months, and the Japanese are now putting on their fifth big push; but they have not succeeded in making much headway. It was generally thought that the Chinese soldiers would withdraw to their defense lines farther up the country so as to get away from the big guns of the Japanese warships; however, they are still holding their ground at the outskirts of this city. It is surprising how they have been able to hold up the Japanese army in spite of the superior equipment of the latter.
[January 29, 1938]
Now that the fighting is shifted inland, the situation in Shanghai is quieter, though there is uncertainty as to what will become of this city. It is about two months since the Chinese soldiers withdrew from Shanghai, yet I have not been able to get back to our home because I am Chinese. Friends who have seen our place lately reported that the roof is damaged by a shell and the house looted. I am most anxious to attend to the repair and see what things can be saved yet, but I cannot get permission from the Japanese authorities. This is Japanese friendship for the Chinese people.
The Fong house (date unknown)In spite of the war the members of my family had a Christmas made happy because we were able to gather around a Christmas tree at our married daughter's home in an unbroken circle. This was the first time we were able to do so in eight years, ever since our children began going to study in Yenching University, Peiping. Each year some of our children were in the North for Christmas; were it not for the war Mary and Mae would be in Yenching this winter.
Mae is my mother. She is the little girl on the left in this 1930 family portrait of Fong F. Sec, his wife and their five children. Due to the war, Mae would end up attending St John's University in Shanghai and never went to Yenching University. However, Mae would eventually marry a Yenching University graduate, who is my father.
That last letter ended this way:
On January 6 Mrs. Fong and I observed our 30th wedding anniversary quietly. We were glad that all our children and our two grandchildren could be with us on this happy occasion. As we look back over the years we are grateful for the many blessings along the way.
I admit to crying my eyes out when I read this paragraph. I am so sorry that I never knew my maternal grandfather.
This post complements the blogpost Grassroots Anti-Japanese Protestors in China for understanding anti-Japanese sentiments in China today. In the case of my maternal grandfather, who passed away in 1938, I cannot imagine a single thought of hatred or rancor for Japan or the Japanese people today for he was a Christian in the truest sense of that word. Yet, I don't know whether he would turn the other cheek if he read that a Japanese school textbook now claims that the Japanese Imperial army came to China to liberate the Chinese from the western imperialists and to bring economic prosperity to China.
2008，他逝世已七十年了，終於被安排重現人間。年初，日本出版的《清末小說通訊》有學者談論他；上月中，崇基學院院長梁元生教授在報紙撰文，又說要尋找他。至於我，則是因緣際會地在百年前的舊相片中跟他遇上－－他就是鄺富灼先生(1869-1938)，民初上海商務印書館的英文部主任，亦是ESWN網主宋以朗(以下將簡稱L)的外祖父。
一．偶遇
上星期我在L家看到宋淇先生寫給錢鍾書先生的信(16/1/1985)，其中一段令我非常好奇：上次錢瑗來舍下，文美〔１〕曾給她看一張歷史性照片，乃彼雙親結婚時所攝，時為1908年，可以說是開新式婚禮之先河，居然有bridesmaids。其父為商務首任英文編輯，茅盾曾在他手下做過短時期，其母則為廣州教會辦之醫學院之首屆醫科畢業生。[......]當時錢瑗看後覺得很有意思，內人允代翻印一張，現附上留念。有時給洋鬼子們看看，我們西化已有很悠久的歷史。
錢鍾書覆信(23/1/1985)時則說：「惠寄照相，乃稀世之珍，大開眼界」。既然L家藏此寶，我豈可失之交臂呢？於是連忙出示宋、錢二信，向L索觀照片。可惜他答一時找不到，唯有等。數日後再上去，老工人亞妹－－問她張愛玲是誰，她會答「是吃隔夜麵包那個」－－已把那張一百年前拍攝的照片放在桌上，還熱心向我介紹相片中人。
注：
〔１〕文美，即鄺文美女士，宋淇太太。
二．回首余觉立身之道，有三要素焉。其一为努力服务，其次为注重卫生，勤于体操，使身心康健以便于任大事，再次则吾人于执业之余，还有其他活动，以舒身心 之惫乏，而不宜斤斤计较于图利之道也。－－鄺富灼，《六十年之回顧》
今天認識鄺先生的人，應該跟知道西籍收藏家宋春舫先生(L的祖父)的人一樣少，但無容置疑，他們都是中國百年前溝通中西文化的代表人物，與還看今朝的ESWN可謂殊途同歸。要認識鄺先生，我們不妨從梁教授的尋人啟事開始：
我在此．未圓湖畔﹕尋找鄺富灼
文章日期：2008年2月15日
【明報專訊】我手頭有一個剛開展的研究計劃，就叫「尋找鄺富灼」，英文是Finding Fong Foo Sac，靈感來自一齣辛康納利主演的電影Finding Forester。Fong Foo Sac是誰？他的中文名字是鄺富灼。1869年出生於廣東台山，但十三歲就追隨鄉人到美國謀生。故此有個台山話的英文名字Fong Foo Sac。像許多十九世紀末出國華工一樣，鄺富灼初到美國時，就在三藩市及薩克利緬度的唐人街中找生活。但他的人生歷程和際遇卻與許多早期移民美國的華工（豬仔／苦力）及商人都不同。鄺富灼在美國二十餘年，可以說是一個「衝出唐人街」的奮鬥經過，以及如何融入主流社會的過程。這是我對鄺氏生平有興趣的第一點。
鄺富灼和孫中山同年出生，同在廣東的僑鄉成長，也同在少年時候離開家鄉出國，不過後來的境遇則各有不同。鄺富灼十三歲離鄉，到了舊金山後，他在兩個華埠（三藩市和薩克利緬度）那裏打工、讀夜校。最後受到一位中國牧師的幫助，信了基督教，並且參加了救世軍，從事宣教活動。這樣的經歷，在當時華人移民中並不常見。
鄺富灼在救世軍中服務多年，並且接受宣教訓練；由於勤奮向學，被擢升為書記，成為三藩市救世軍一名積極分子，更是該會華人分部的創始人。1897年，鄺氏在救世軍工作了八年之後，得到救世軍的資助進入洛杉磯東部的克萊蒙（Claremont）的盤馬奈學院（Pomona College）攻讀大學課程，得到接受美國高等教育的機會。由於我的兩個兒子皆在克萊蒙念大學，故此對鄺富灼的故事也特別留意。鄺富灼在盤馬奈學院讀書的日子並不如意，一方面他要一邊讀書一邊做工來維持生活，另一方面他卻又因辛勞過度得到了肺結核病，以致需要停學一年休息，幸而最後恢復了健康，並且繼續學業。1902年他從盤馬奈學院轉學到柏克萊加州大學，修讀英國文學，至1905年取得文學士學位畢業。隨後他獲得獎學金再到美國東部紐約市的哥倫比亞大學深造，主修文學和教育，於1906年取得碩士學位。其後因為有機會和當時中國駐美大使梁誠一席交談，得到梁誠推薦任兩廣方言學堂教習，便結束海外二十四年的漂泊生涯，決定於1907年返國。
鄺富灼回國後，怎樣重新適應中國社會和文化，又如何利用他在美國學來的知識與經驗去為中國謀求改良和變革？這是我對鄺氏後半生的關注所在。鄺富灼在回國後即參加北京1907年舉行的留學生考試，中式第三名進士，授職郵傳部。但鄺氏無意官場，翌年返鄉，迎娶基督徒林憐恩醫生為妻。婚後移居上海，應上海商務印書館之聘，主理編譯部工作，負責英文書總編輯之職。這是鄺富灼下半生的精力投注的地方。在民國時期，他所編著的英文課本為中國學校普遍應用，而譯出來的外國作品也對五四以後的年輕一代有很大的影響。
鄺氏生平資料並不詳盡，但據我所知，尚有不少親朋戚友，散佈全球。所以我想借此一角，尋找鄺氏親友後人，助我重構鄺氏人生一臂之力。新年伊始，是所願也。
[梁元生 歷史學者、中文大學崇基學院院長]但鄺先生在美國的詳細情況是怎樣呢？我們不妨請他現身說法吧。以下我將從其自述之作《六十年之回顧》中節錄一些軼事，希望能夠讓大家看看當年一位知識份子那自強不息的精神，實事求是的態度，及捨己忘私的情操。
童年他長於農家，生活清貧。據他自述，幼年教育是這樣的：
余八岁入村墊，肄业四年，毕四书，五经亦习一二，顾日后则遗忘殆尽矣。记在塾时，师甚严厉，学生不成诵者，以朱涂面示罚，余罹此刑，不止一次也。又忆一日，师以事他往，嘱吾辈静坐念书，吾辈待其去后，即喧哗游戏恣意耍乐，不意师忽回，睹吾辈状，大怒，遍挞吾侪，在塾之事，今尚能历历记忆者，以此为著。
出國
他半農半讀，到十二歲便決定到美國工作。臨行時祖母的叮囑，證諸鄺先生以後的經歷，實在意味深長：
余遂于一八八一年(光绪七年)冬季，偕同行者十六人，离别乡井，向香港出发，临行时，祖母尚健在，祖母倚闾嘱以慎择良友一语，言犹在耳，惟余白美返时，二老已不可复见矣。
香港
他途經香港時，有以下經歷：
自余家至香港，今只需二十四小时，当时则需五日之久。海中遇风，船颠簸不已，余等皆大窘，既抵香港，始悉年內无船开行，同人因废然作回家度岁计，新正始再往港。小住数天，同行中有一童子，年与余相若，同人俱外出，吾与童子，特以年幼奉命留店中，待诸长者去后，吾二人亦潜出游睹，余少见世面，即本邑县城亦罕至，今骤见香港之繁盛，惊奇不已，终曰走览，不觉倦乏，见两妇衣长裙，雪白之脸，蔽以黑纱，深以为异。又在市中，见摊上售物如糖，购而食之，方悟为西人所用之酵团，寻又见零售劈橘，每片取价一文，余衣袋适有一钱，乃掷诸摊上，取橘一片，置入口中，迨摊主执钱细视，曰，此铅钱耳，余大窘，幸同行之童，为余代出其值，始得解围，当日之村鲁情形，今日回想，犹不禁哑然失笑也。
抵美
華工所受到的美式歡迎：
船抵三藩市(俗称金山大埠)，同行长者，示余坐行李货车之顶，往中国市(此为金山埠华人聚店之街)。余初见街上电车往来，心大奇之，时美人之不肖者，见华工联贳入，竞持洋葱 向余辈投掷，此等侮辱，即为余登新大陆，所受之欢迎也。
當時美國政府抵制華工，鄺被迫匿於地室：
当时市政府见华人纷至沓来，而法令又未便施行，为消极之抵制计，乃下令限制每家住户，不得超过一定人数，违者处罚，余因此不敢明居室中，匿于地室数日，其后余转往撤加缅度sacramonts(粵人称之曰二埠以其繁盛及华侨之多仅亚于金山也)，投吾叔，吾叔业菜贩，为我介绍，入一美人家当执农之役，每星期得工值金币一元。
鄺曾經在The Chinese Abroad, Their Position and Protection一書的前言中說過：For was I not spat upon, kicked, stoned, and forced to run for my life time and again just because I was a Chinese?下筆之沉重，足抵一部華工血淚史。
進德修業鄺不久便誤交損友：
余叔虽不学，然知英语可为余进身之益，因命余就中国市纲纪慎(按此为撤加缅度之中国市)教会设立之学校读夜班。余是时年方幼，不经世故，交友不辨损益，不久遂为恶友所诱惑，习染赌博，并嗜观戏剧，对于学业日渐懈怠，终且辍读矣，而积蓄亦尽罄。此事为余叔所闻，乃向余大加申斥，复命余入夜校肄业。
幸遇良師，扶反正道，亦開始接觸基督教：
时校中之新任教师为陈才，与余初面，即垂青眼，对余百般诱掖，导余于正轨，使余感愧不已。初余不知基督教道，在舟中时，已习闻诽谤教会之言，先入余心，故余之肄业于该校，纯为英文起见，而对于教会，则抱与我无涉之态度，比与陈君善，受其热诚之感化，余向之成见，始渐消融。同时校中同学之德行，复与余以良好之印象，余既日与端人相处，久之受其熏陶，颇有向道之意，然胸中犹徘徊万端，不能骤决，则以向日习染，根深蒂固，一时未易排除，且环顾父母亲友，俱非教徒，苟余一旦进教，彼辈势将与余脱离关系，即余亦常自问，余家敬神拜祖，历代相传如此，苟余皈依基督教，必将与家人背道而驰，诚使基督教之道，能永久可恃，则亦无他，否则余损失之巨，宁堪设想乎。因是疑虑，顾每与信徒辩论，又终为其道所说服，余之思潮，由是起伏不已，踌躇而莫能决。
自十五至十九歲，他一直寄居教會公所，受益友善士所薰陶；雖然工資微薄，亦不忘寄錢回家鄉：
陈君授余中文与圣道，待余诚恳如家人。西妇加凌敦Carrington氏，亦刮目相待，授余英文及初等科学，当日所之生理学,天路历程，斐洲游记等书，俱深入余脑中，至今不能忘。每星期加入学道会一次，按例作学友，如是者半载，即蒙教会为余施洗，而成正式教友，同时余仍执役于人家不辍，所得工资虽不丰，然余能衣食俭约，节省金钱，寄回家中，付还来美时所贷之旅费，补助家用之不敷，即吾兄之完姻，亦藉余之力焉。
救世軍
鄺加入了救世軍，幫忙宣道，但到處受人侮辱，甚至險遭襲擊：
救世军之至西方也，此次原为创见，居民不明其用意，所往视为怪物，无赖之徒，从而揶揄之，百方侮弄，阻其进行，但彼中人漠不为动。其时各派 教会中人，亦因未明其旨趣，讥为无理取闹，自招凌辱，用是彼等所处之地位，其窘苦之状，可想见矣。
该军每聚集时亦嘱余作证，因此而受人之笑骂凌辱，不可胜数，以余为华人，所遭较之西士为尤苦，然余始终不以此为意。
余到各处传道，因余为华人，受人攻击特甚，加以当时太平洋岸一带地方，排斥华工激烈异常，华人无不在危险中。一夕，余独行于路上，突来一壮夫，向余猛击，余固不敌，又不能逃，正当千钧一发之时，适有一西女士至，见状大抱不平，与之理论，余始得脱难，否则余即不丧命，亦必残废矣。一日余道经一棒球场，群童见余。即向余追逐，幸余奔入一西女士家中，始告无事。又一日，美国工人大开会议谋抵制华工之策，余方自外归寓，有童子数人睹余，立欲向余包围，余急走避，彼等亦紧紧迫迫，迨将逼近之际，余见势色不佳，乃掣出身畔小刀示威，彼等始不敢近，然犹遥作恐吓之状，视余抵家门始已。又一次，余至塔哥买城传道，其时当地之人，已尽逐华人他徙，余之同伴，犹不知余已入险地也，而以为余过此传道一两天，或不致有意外，然余则颇用惴惶不安，是夜余辈方会议间，突闻门外喧嚷之声不绝，同伴悟为寻衅者之来，乃急着余易装出走，投一友人家，既而友人犹以为未稳妥，复引余跋涉长途至一海湾，在一船上过宿，事后闻人言，则是夜门外果聚数百人，盖皆欲得余甘心者也。鄺乘閒進修，成為書記，交往者多有識之士，自此學問大進：
既而余见救世军对于向华侨传道之计划，迄未见实行，颇以留待军中为无聊。乃储蓄意舍去，欲就商业学校，专习“速写法”及“打字”焉，余以此意陈诸该营长官，并求许余暂离军籍，长官初不允，以为余既有工作，则何用学问为，及见余立志坚决，始可余之请，于是余乃实践余之志愿，入校数月便毕业。当余求学之时，每曰课余仍如前之工作，赖此以自给。余学艺既成，仍返军中，但不复操烹饪之役，而充书记矣，旋又升为太平洋岸某大佐之书。
余居此任有四五年，在此时期内，余之学业大进，盖每曰所与接触之人，莫不为知识阶级中人，耳所闻者，多为文雅之英语，同时常识亦渐广博，复以当时余有一少年同事者，为余之金石交，时以进德修业之言相勉励，再则，余于公务之余，暇晷颇多，足资余自修之用，总之，余当时所交之友，及所观察之事物，在在皆可以促进余知识者也。在此期内，余尝侧身于文艺界，为某文学会员，籍是得探讨占籍，获益良多，余亦尝致力于研究救世军之组织法及管理法。大學
他決心要讀大學，半工讀也不辭勞苦，結果有志者事竟成：
自斯时起，余常觉有更求精造学问之必要，而希冀能入大学肄业，以偿私愿，夫余既有恒业，而犹欲求学者，则以余关怀祖国一念之所动也。余年事 渐长，益觉国事之重要，然念苟碌碌无所长。则曷能为力于国家乎，故余亟欲饱学后方归国，否则宁终老于异域耳。
一八九七年，余以事至加利福尼亚省南部，遇一友人，余告以求学之志，斯友为有心人，后竟为余谋成厥志，余返金山大埠后，友往见盘马奈大学校长，陈述余之愿，及余贫乏之境况，未几该校长适以事至金山大埠，即来访余，余告以余之多年储蓄，仅得三百金而已，渠谓此数已足为入学之用。余复告以余之半工读计划，渠亦赞成，并促余作速赴校，于是余辞退救世军之职，而入盘马奈大学为预科生矣。初，余在金山大埠认识之人闻余入大学肄业，均笑余之非计，而欲阻止余之进行，盖当时一般人之心目中，不知有所谓大学教育，况余以有恒业之人而为此，则更令彼等百思莫解也。
余每日课余，即为人洒扫居室，或打字，或当侍者等役，藉博其微小工值，每届暑期，则往乡间任摘果之劳，凡此种种，皆为金钱起见，至工作之如何卑贱如何劳苦，则非余所欲计较者也。
余因过事劳动，而营养又不足，康健遂互不保。经医生之督促，余乃停学，并在山上一帐幕内逸居，以小休养。期年，余之康健已完全恢复，遂返校继续求学，四年预科学程，倏忽已满，而升入正科一年级，计余在盘马奈大学肄业凡五年，在此期内，友人时与余以助力，其拳拳意，实余毕生所不能忘者也。余在盘马奈大学一年级肄毕，即转入加利福尼亚省立大学二年级，三年后，获文学士位，时为一千九百Ｏ五年也。
在大学之末年，余服务于校内青年会之 执行委员会，兼充书记之职，自兹起，余之交游渐广，余既毕业于加省大学，同时复得免费学额，乃往纽约入哥伦比亚大学，专攻文学及教育学，学年终，余获文学 硕士及教育学硕士二衔。回國
回國後一年，他任教於方言學堂，之後通過考試得文學進士銜，卻棄官不仕，入商務印書館：
一九Ｏ七年秋，(光绪卅三年)，余晋京应留学生试，获文学进士衔，清廷旋以邮传部某职见委，余接事未几即弃去，盖余私念，时国內方缺乏英文人才，苟余回粵任教席者，以已之资格沦，尚可出人头地，固胜于浮沉无定之宦海也。会商务印书馆颜骏人博士辞职，聘余继其位为英文部主任，正投余之所好，良以余夙主张实事求是，不尚浮华虚誉，文墨生涯，正合余之志。
以上所記，主要關於鄺先生留美時期，回國後的生涯，可參考其自述全文。
三．奇聞
網上找尋鄺先生資料時，竟給我意外發現了連宋以朗自己也不知道的「身世大秘密」！國內學人楊揚在去年的《華東師範大學學報》中發表了一篇文章，名為《哈佛所見Fong F. See材料》，網上看到的摘要使我大為震驚，原文如下：摘 要:
在20 世纪介绍中国文化的英文期刊中，经常出版的一个中国人的名字，是“Fang F．Sec”。“Fang F．Sec”是谁呢？记得《文汇读书周报》上曾见到过复旦大学周振鹤教授的文章，谈到“Fang F．See”的中文名字。可是，当时自己是随手翻阅，看过没有再做记录，但在哈佛图书馆的英文期刊中屡屡见有“Fang F．See”这个名字，就开始留意起来。从文章所谈内容，有不少是与商务印书馆和当时中国的印刷出版有关，我猜想这位“Fang F．Sec”大概是商务印书馆英文部主任邝富灼（1869～1938）。后来果然在几处英文杂志上见到“Fang F．See”旁标有中文：邝富灼。这证实了我的猜想。而且，英文期刊中，有时不知道是不是排印错误，经常会出版“Fang F．Sec”的文章和介绍他的文章，对照文章内容，我想这“Fang F．Sec”应该就是邝富灼。将“邝富灼”和“Fang F．Sec”输入Google及Baidu搜索，有一些收获。英文的收获，是李欧梵教授在2005年5月15日《亚洲周刊》上刊发的在北京大学的演讲，其中说到自己的母亲就是邝富灼的女儿。[第一段]那麼李歐梵和宋以朗豈不是表兄弟？！但記得宋淇在信中提及李歐梵時，並沒說過與他有任何親戚關係，如28/4/1982寄給錢鍾書的信有云：「李歐梵最近為芝加哥大學挖去，原隨費正清讀中國現代史，近改修現代文學，人天份極高，文字亦瀟灑，尚有待進一步苦修方可成大器。」僅此而已。
我大感不解，即刻致電宋：「李歐梵是你的表兄嗎？」L說：「你講笑！」然後他告訴我外祖父有四個女兒，最小的是他母親，另外三位沒一個嫁給姓李的......嚴肅的學報論文摘要，難道信口開河？大家都想不通，只好說要找那期的《亞洲周刊》查看。但今天當我再上網翻查鄺先生資料時，終於發現答案。相信誤會的源頭，就是宋自己在2005年寫的文章Memories of The Chinese Elders，即楊揚所謂「英文的收穫」。文中，宋首先引述2005年5月15日《亞洲周刊》中李歐梵的文章片段，之後再引用外公寫及抗戰時期的書信－－楊揚可能英語水平有限，所以便張冠李戴，把宋公子外祖父當成是李歐梵的了。論文摘要居然有此幻海奇情，也可謂中國學術界的奇葩。
參考文章：
鄺富灼，《六十年之回顧》
Roland Soong, Memories of The Chinese Elders
張英，《淺談張元濟和鄺富灼》，收錄於2008.1.1《清末小說通訊》第88期
梁元生，《求索东西天地间──近代东亚知识分子的困惑与追寻：以韩国尹致昊、南洋辜鸿铭、中国邝富灼为例》
G. Bernard Noble, The Chinese Abroad, Their Position and Protection. by Harley Farnsworth MacNair; V. K.Wellington Koo; Fong F. Sec. Shanghai.
