EastSouthWestNorth: Daily Brief Comments December 21-31, 2007

[031] 我們的2007﹕2007之最 (12/31/2007) (Ming Pao via Yahoo!)

公園仔（攻打四方城）﹕最Blog極唔厭人物——《東南西北》網主宋以朗

自己寫網誌，自然要選網絡有關的人物。宋以朗的網誌本身就有名，知名度遠及中外。今年因為李安一部《色，戒》，身為張愛玲好友宋淇之子、張愛玲遺產監管人的宋以朗自然成為焦點。張愛玲讀得不太愉快的香港大學趕上熱潮搞遺物展，找來宋以朗親身解說，宋先生更是欲罷不能，就在張愛玲暫住過的舊居搞私房分享會。今年秋天，可說是宋以朗人氣到達頂點的時間。

不過宋以朗說他本身不是張迷。他的「本業」是將兩岸三地的新聞持之以恆地翻譯成英文，並將各大傳媒的報道比較。中大學生報風波、山西黑磚窯案、廈門PX項目，才是他關注的事件。宋以朗所做的並非石破天驚，但只有他有這樣的耐力和心機，相信《色，戒》熱潮過後，他仍會一如既往的寫下去。 http://www.zonaeuropa.com/weblog.htm

[030] Hong Kong By The Numbers (12/31/2007) (HKU POP) (1,019 persons interviewed December 19-24, 2007)

Hong Kong's development for the past year (Satisfied/Dissatisfied):
2004: 38%/29%
2005: 60%/12%
2006: 57%/ 9%
2007: 64%/10%

Expectations for Hong Kong's development for the next year (Better/Worse):
2004: 65%/ 9%
2005: 58%/11%
2006: 58%/ 7%
2007: 57%/12%

Perceived to be most important problem to be tackled by the government next year (Economy/Welfare/Constitutional Development):
2004: 50%/ 4%/12%
2005: 45%/ 4%/17%
2006: 37%/ 8%/10%
2007: 36%/13%/11%

[029] The Iron Triangle: Government Officials, Big Businesses and Underworld Gangsters (12/31/2007) (Fu Jianfeng's blog)

[in translation]

It is almost the end of the year. Is it snowing in Tangshan? Have they all returned home?

They are the billionaires who have fled their homes in fear.

I cannot forget the look of terror in the eyes of one of the middle-aged billionaires. As he looked at me, he grabbed my hand hysterically and screamed: "You are asking me why I need to run so far away before I dare to speak to you? You ask me why I am afraid? That's because he has guns. Do you know how many guns he owns?"

This middle-aged man was an iron mine owner in Tangshan city (Hebei province) with about 1 billion yuan in wealth. The local gangsters Yang Shukuan held a gun to his head and forced him to sign a contract to provide 60 million yuan in "aid." Afterwards, Yang drugged the man's wife and raped her. The wife took 30 million yuan from her husband and vanished without a trace. "Yang must have killed my wife. What is the use of my money? My family is broken." He was crying as he spoke. It was very sad.

Actually, Yang Shukuan had been arrested by the police by that time. The Hebei provincial public security bureau announced that they confiscated 35 guns and 330 bullets from Yang. At one time, Yang had been cruising the streets of Guye district (Tangshan city) in a modified armored vehicle. About a dozen billionaires were also extorted and defrauded by Yang in the same manner to the grand total of 500 million yuan.

Even though Yang Shukuan has been arrested, many people are still reluctant to discuss him. This billionaire said that he understands why, because many of Yang's henchmen are still on the loose. Besides Yang Shukuan has so many connects that many people will look after him out of their own self interests.

At one time, I found it hard to understand that this group of extremely wealthy people can be so feeble and helpless against one gangster. This particular middle-aged billionaire would only agreed to be interviewed by me at a hotel outside of Hebei province.

But as I traveled back and forth to the various mining districts, I slowly began to understand the local hidden rules and their vulnerability and fear. One mine owner expressed his despair as follows: "There are just two ways to protect your mining interests. On one hand, you can continue to be exploited by the gangsters. On the other hand, you can become a gangster yourself."

Such is the reality in the mining districts. More than two years ago, the sociologist Sun Liping had warned about the Sicilization of the mines. This particular Sicilization has now spread to the various aspects of the mining communities. In Yizhang county, Hunan province, a mine owner with gangster background caused the deputy county mayor Guang Xinguo to go blind in one eye after a beating and has not yet been held accountable. This particular person continues to control the local government, such that the Political and Legal Committee secretary Liu Yicheng was dismissed on his order. Before meeting with me, Liu Yicheng had been hiding elsewhere for several years.

Even officials like Guang Xinguo and Liu Yicheng had to live in fear. So it is no surprise that the rich businessmen should be scared too. The normal rules have been subverted by people such as Yang Shukuan. There is a common interest coalition of law-breaking mine owners, underworld gangsters and corrupt government officials. Several years ago, the Safety Supervisory Bureau director Li Yizhong criticized the collusion between government officials and coal mine owners. But now, the collusion is among three different groups.

My report was ultimately not published. I don't know if Yang Shukuan was eventually found guilty in court, or whether those billionaires ever returned home.

I only pray that those law-abiding mine owners and the hard-working miners can elude the control of the hidden rules and live under normal conditions.

[028] The De-Chiang Effect (12/31/2007) What kind of election campaign tactic is this public intra-party brawl?

(Apple Daily) Yesterday, at a campaign stop in Taipei county, Taiwan vice-president Annette Lu spoke for twenty minutes. She did not deny that the election situation was grim: "I really could not get any sleep recently." She said that her observation was that the cause was the Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng's and Ministry of Education secretary-genearl Chuang Kuo-jung mishandling of the removal of the plaque from the former Chiang Kai-shek memorial hall. She even expressed a public apology herself and added that Tu Cheng-sheng should also apologize to the public.

(Apple Daily) An Apple Daily instant poll showed that 72% of the respondents approved of Annette Lu's remark and agreed that the Ministry of Education mishandled the situation. 9% thought that the Ministry of Education was right and Annette Lu was overreacting. Another 18% had no opinion.

(China Times) According to information, the DPP lost at least 5% support and as much as 10% support during the episode of the plaque removal. In Taiepi county's Tucheng district, the DPP candidate was only trailing the KMT by 5% points but is now trailing by 39% to 19%. In Kaoshiung District 3, the DPP candidate had been leading by double digits, but the margin is now back down in the single digit. In Taichung District 3, the DPP support slipped during the plaque removal affair until the other candidate was filmed in the act of making a bribe. While President Chen Shui-bian has been increasing his campaign efforts on behalf of the DPP candidates, he has virtually no effect in central and northern Taiwan.

(TVBS) Earlier today, vice-president Annette Lu made a high-profiled request for Minister of Education Tu Cheng-sheng to apologize to the public. Several hours later, President Chen Shui-bian contradicted Lu. He said that "Hau Long-bin reacted and boycotted the process. But we succeeded eventually. We must be firm about doing the right thing and going down the right path! We must be strong, we must be brave!" President Chen Shui-bian thus supported the actions of Tu Cheng-sheng.

[027] Three Hong Kong Newspapers (12/31/2007) ... diversity is a good thing?

(Apple Daily) When the 60% public opinion poll was ignored by the National People's Congress Standing Committee which denied the collective desire of the Hong Kong people to have double univresal suffrage in 2012, the Civil Human Rights announced a demonstration march to be held on January 13. They called for more than 10,000 citizens to march in black and white clothing. Six Christian organizations will also hold prayers for Hong Kong democracy.

(Oriental Daily) The central government squashed double universal suffrage in 2012, but offered universal suffrage for the Chief Executive post in 2017. The pan-democrats now have to face a Legislative Council election next year and they had to decide whether they will continue to press for double universal suffrage.

First of all, Anson Chan did a vanishing act. She did not appear in the pan-democrat march on the day of the NPCSC announcement. Martin Lee said that he was unable to reach her in time. Nevertheness, Anson Chan showed up later at Government House to meet the NPCSC delegation. She is behaving as if she does not know the pan-democrats now that she won her election. Perhaps she is still looking for that "communication channel" with the central government.

Meanwhile, troublemaker Jimmy Lai (of Apple Daily) has lost all interest and he is said to have been away from Hong Kong. Troublemaker Martin Lee is 70 years old already. One week after sending out his Democratic Party underlings to hold a relay hunger strike, he tried the same thing with a 24-hour hunger strike. What is the use of that anyway?

The pan-democrats have always played the role of the opposition. Whenever the central government does something wrong, they prosper as if they just hit the jackpot. But things have changed now. Whereas the other side is getting better, the pan-democrats have not moved ahead. So is it any surprise that they are up against the wall?

(Ming Pao) When the NPCSC made the announcement last Saturday, a group of pan-democrats including 21 Legislative Council members made a strongly worded statement "strong protesting the NSC" and objecting to the fact taht the decision was against "the Basic Law as well as public opinion."

The political rumor mill said that the pan-democrats held a closed-door meeting on Saturday. Even though srong words were used in the joint statement, the following dissonant statement appeared in the third paragraph: "Through the efforts of the Hong Kong people, Chief Executive Donald Tsang finally brought out a schedule for double universal suffrage: 2017 for the Chief Executive and 2020 for the Legislative Council."

Informed sources said that a considerable number of pan-democrats realize that they must not repeat the 2005 debacle and keep Hong Kong in the same place with any progress. There is also plenty of details to negotiate in the present NPCSC proposal and that requires dialogue with the central government. But their problem is that they have been speaking about 2012 double universal suffrage for a few years already and they cannot be seen as abandoning that as soon as the NPCSC make the announcement. Therefore, all the continued talk about 2012 double universal suffrage is a smokescreen for an exit.

Meanwhile, the comment from the pro-establishment side is that the pan-democrats have no chips left except for a few slogans. A certain political party had conducted an instant political poll and found out that 50% accepted "2017 universal suffrage for the Chief Executive if 2012 was not possible," 25% refused to accept and another 25% had no opinion. Therefore, the pro-establishment person said that the pan-democrats had no chips on hand to play.

[026] The Digital Generation Gap in Taiwan (12/30/2007) (UDN) (15,007 prsons age 12 or over interviewed between August 1 and September 17 by telephone).

%Internet Users:
Age 12-20: 99.8%
Age 21-30: 94.4%
Age 31-40: 84.2%
Age 41-50: 58.6%
Age 51+: 21.9%

%Bloggers:
Age 12-20: 47.9%
Age 21-30: 30.8%
Age 31-40: 12.5%
Age 41-50: 5.2%
Age 51+: 1.4%

[025] The <Lust, Caution> Defense (12/29/2007) (Liberty Times) Between April and June this year, a 47-year-old Taiwanese man uploaded three erotic stories on the Internet. Subsequently, he was arrested by the police in Tainan city and prosecuted.

Here is what happened at the trial.

First, the defendant claimed that he had posted the erotic stories on a website that is registered in the United States. Furthermore, this website satisfied American law by stating that the contents are not suitable for persons under 21 years old. This defense was rejected because the defendant made the posts from Taiwan and therefore he is under the jurisdiction of the Taiwanese courts.

Next, the defendant filed the <Lust, Caution> defense. He said that he was only posting written texts. As such, this does not compare with the sex scenes in the movie <Lust, Caution>.

The judge told the defendant that she has seen the movie <Lust, Caution> and that she is aware that there are multiple scenes showing nudity and sex play. However, the judge said that <Lust, Caution> was adapted from the novel by the famous writer Eileen Chang. Therefore, the depiction of sexual acts would not cause ordinary people to feel shame or disgust. Instead, it has artistic and education value. The judge also pointed out that the movie <Lust, Caution> won the Golden Lion award at the Venice Film Festival and seven Golden Horse awards (including best drama film) in Taiwan. The director Ang Lee was also named the "Outstanding film worker in Taiwan." By comparison, the stories uploaded by the defendant carried obscene descriptions of male and female reproductive organs, sexual intercourse involving multiple partners, torture, etc. As such, they are obscene without any redeemable artistic value.

The defendant was then sentenced to two months in jail which could be substituted by paying a fine.

[024] Unexpected Guest At CCTV (12/29/2007) (Southern Metropolis Daily) At 3pm on December 28, a press conference was held to announce that the CCTV sports channel has been renamed the Olympics channel. Midway through the press conference, the master of ceremony Zhang Bin was about to introduce table tennis player Wang Nan. Suddenly, a woman appeared and onlookers recognize that it was Hu Ziwei, the wife of Zhang Bin and the program host at Beijing TV. She wanted to speak, but Zhang Bin tried to stop him. She asked for one minute and she brushed Zhang Bin off to say: "2008 will be here and I wish you all a happy new year. But Zhang Bin and I are not going to have a good year." Then she said something more about Zhang Bin being two-faced. It would appear that there are emotional problems between the two. The scene lasted around 3 minutes.

The 3-minute video has been posted at YouTube.

Related Links:
China: Official Olympics channel's unveiling ceremony crashed John Kenney, Global Voices Online
Hijacking the Olympic agenda, big-time and small-time versions Imagethief

[023] Did She? Or Did She Not? (12/29/2007)

(Apple Daily) A Hong Kong woman looking for a job saw a classified ad in the newspaper and called to apply. A man then took her to a hostel for a "trial." When the two entered the room, the man tied the woman up. Then he robbed her of HKD 100, a credit card and a Hong Kong ID. The woman later freed herself and called the police. The police found out that the woman had not been injured or sexually molested.

(The Sun) A 25-year-old woman read an classified ad for category III movie actress and called to apply for this job that paid HKD 50,000 for four days of work. She called a man who claimed to be a movie company employee. They met in a cafe and the man told her that she passed the preliminary screening. The next step would be a screen test and they went to get a room at a hostel. They entered the room where they engaged sexual intercourse. Afterwards, the man said that she wanted to him to pose SM-style like they do in the movies. He tied her hands and feet up with duct tape and he blindfolded her. After a while, the woman could hear no sound in the room and realized that she had been tricked. She kicked on the wall and furniture until a female housekeeper came to free her. The woman found out that she was missing HKD 100 and her Hong Kong ID in her pocketbook. The police was then summoned.

So what happened? Did she? Or did she not?

[022] Translating <Lust, Caution> (12/29/2007) There is an essay in Xinmin Weekly whose subject is Julia Lovell's English translation of the Chinese-language novella <Lust, Caution> written by Eileen Chang.

What about that most famous penultimate sentence: “不吃辣的怎么胡得出辣子？” Julia Lovell translated it as "Only cold fish won't eat hot chili." To a Chinese reader, this would appear to be completely off the mark. However, what is a good alternative then? The technical problem here is that the sentence is a double entendre on "spicy food" and a certain winning combination in Shanghai-style mahjong. There is no way to draw an English-language analogy to the latter. That sentence did not appear in Eileen Chang's own draft English-language manuscript, so we will never know how she might have handled this technical problem.

There are also some proper names that people feel are mistranslated. Here is the original paragraph:

　　她一扭身伏在車窗上往外看，免得又開過了。車到下一個十字路口方才大轉彎折回。又一個Ｕ形大轉彎，從義利餅干行過街到平安戲院，全市唯一的一個清洁的二輪電影院，灰紅暗黃二色磚砌的門面，有一种針織粗呢的溫暖感，整個建筑圓圓的朝里凹，成為一鉤新月切過路角，門前十分寬敞。對面就是剛才那家凱司令咖啡館，然后西伯利亞皮貨店，綠屋夫人時裝店，并排兩家四個大櫥窗，華貴的木制模特儿在霓虹燈后擺出各种姿態。隔壁一家小店一比更不起眼，櫥窗里空無一物，招牌上雖有英文“珠寶商”字樣，也看不出是珠寶店。

Here is Julia Lovell's translation:

She twisted around to look out the window, to tell the chauffeur exactly where to stop. The car made a U-turn at the next crossroads, and then another a little farther on to get back to the Ping'an, the only respectable second-run cinema. The building's dull red façade curved inward like a sickle blade set upon the street corner. Opposite was Commander's K'ai's Cafe again, with the Siberian Leather Goods Store and the Green House Ladies' Clothing Emporium next, each fronted by two large display windows filled with glamorously dressed mannequins bent into all manner of poses beneath neon signs. The next-door establishment was smaller and far more nondescript. Although the sign over the door said JEWELER'S, its single display window was practically empty.

First of all, the bakery 義利餅干行 has been completely disappeared in the translation. The proper name is James Neil & Company (see news365).

The movie house 平安戲院 was translated as the Ping'an. In the movie <Lust, Caution>, Ang Lee did his research and gave it the English name of Uptown.

The restaurant 凱司令 was translated as Commander K'ai's Cafe. But a Google search quickly showed that the proper name is Kaisiling (reference: UDN). Here is a photograph of Kaisiling today:

西伯利亚皮货店 was translated as Siberian Leather Goods Store when it is the Siberian Fur Store (reference: Apple Daily). Another version suggests that it is the First Siberian Leather & Fur Co. Ltd located at 878 Nanjing Road West today (reference: Hong En Chen).

綠屋夫人時裝店 was translated as Green House Ladies' Clothing Emporium when a Google search will quickly yield Madame Greenhouse (reference: news365).

Where are these places? Eileen Chang drew a street map by hand in her letter dated April 16, 1977:

[021] Taiwan By The Numbers (12/29/2007)

(Taipei Times) DPP presidential candidate Frank Hsieh said there was a huge discrepancy between the High Court verdict and some people's expectations. "It was obvious that Ma committed fraud because he kept changing his story on how he used the money," he said, adding that even if Ma had been found guilty, "I would have pardoned him if I won." Frank Hsieh's running mate, former premier Su Tseng-chang, also said he found the verdict hard to accept. Su said it was common knowledge that Ma had used his mayoral special allowance illegally. "Many people find the outcome very bizarre, because everyone knows Ma is guilty. His secretary became the scapegoat," Su said.

(China Times) (805 adults were interviewed on December 28. The sample of telephone numbers were drawn randomly from the telephone directory and then the last two digits were randomized)

With respect to the 2008 presidential election, 45% supported the KMT team of Ma and Siew and 24% supported the DPP team of Hsieh and Su. 31% offered no opinion (=undecided, don't know, or refused to answer). In the previous public opinion polls, the Ma-Siew support level was hovering around 36%. The ruling by the Taiwan High Court yesterday allowed the support level to break through the 40% barrier. Meanwhile, the Hsieh-Su team held on to around 24%. The change means that the gap between the teams has gone from around 10% to 21%.

With respect to the likely winner in the 2008 presidential election, 34% think that Ma-Siew will win, 21% think that it is an even match and 7% think that Hsieh Su will win. Previously 25% favored Ma-Siew and 10% favored Hsieh-Su.

(UDN; UDN) (848 adults were interviewed on December 28. The telephone numbers were drawn randomly from the telephone directory and then the last two digits were randomized)

With respect to the 2008 presidential election, 52% supported the KMT team of Ma and Siew, 23% supported the DPP team of Hsieh and Su and 25% are still undecided. Previously, the Ma-Siew team was supported by 50% and the Hsieh-Su team by 25%.

With respect to the likely winner in the 2008 presidential election, 49% think that Ma-Siew will win compared to 16% for Hsieh-Su. Previously 46% favored Ma-Siew while 19% favored Hsieh-Su.

Concerning the not-guilty verdict for Ma Ying-jeou, 54% of the respondents were satisfied, 18% were dissatisfied and 28% had no opinion.

[020] Besieged City (12/28/2007) On this day, I went by the local shopping mall and saw that there was a movie titled "Besieged City (圍城 )" being shown for one and only day. Not only that but there is no information whatsoever about the movie at the cinema (i.e. no posters and no trailer) beyond show times. On impulse, I bought a ticket. What harm could there be? At worst, it could be a movie based on Qian Zhongshu's novel of the same name. As it turns out, this was a movie about the "Besieged City" of Tin Shui Wai in Hong Kong (see previous ESWN post).

On the Internet, I found a synopsis (in Chinese) of the movie story. You don't have to worry about reading the plot and ruining your enjoyment of the movie. The story in the actual movie was quite different from this synopsis to the point where you have to wonder what was happening. Even if you cannot read Chinese, you can check out the 'socially realistic' photographs of life in the 'besieged city' of Tin Shui Wai.

[019] Ma Ying-jeou Not Guilty Again (12/28/2007) (TVBS) Previously, KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou was cleared of corruption charges by a lower court. The prosecutor then filed an appeal to the Taiwan High Court. At 10am today, the Taiwan High Court upheld the verdict.

[018] Hong Kong By The Numbers (12/28/2007) (Hong Kong Institute of Asia-Pacific Studies) (822 adults interviewed December 19-21 by telephone)

Q1. Earlier, Chief Executive Donald Tsang had provided a report about the political reform in Hong Kong to the National People's Congress Standing Committee. In his report, Tsang pointed out that more than half of the citizens want to have implementation of universal suffrage of the Chief Executive by 2012, and this wish should be respected and considered. At the time, he pointed out that there was a better chance for universal suffrage for the Chief Executive by 2017. Do you agree with this assessment?
7.9%: Disagree a lot
26.0%: Disagree
50.5%: Agree
8.2%: Agree a lot
7.4%: Don't know/hard to say

Q2. The Chief Executive's report also pointed out the "double universal suffrage" should proceed by "Chief Executive universal suffrage first, Legislative Council universal suffrage later." Do you agree with this viewpoint?
5.6%: Disagree a lot
33.0%: Disagree
48.4%: Agree
5.1%: Agree a lot
7.9%: Don't know/hard to say

Q3. Some people think that there is still a lack of mainstream agreement on how to deal with the functional constituency seats in the Legislative Council. Other people believe that it is social consensus to have full universal suffrage in the Legislative Council in 2012. Which do you agree with?
39.2%: No social consensus yet
48.4%: Social consensus reached already
12.4%: Don't know/hard to say

Q4. Do you think which is the most effective way to reach universal suffrage ultimately?
31.4%: Insist on having double universal suffrage in 2012
51.3%: Balance the different opinions and reach a consensus on the schedule for universal suffrage
12.3%: Let the central government decide
5.0%: Don't know/hard to say

Q5. If double universal suffrage could not be attained by 2012, but universal suffrage for Chief Executive can be attained first in 2017, would you accept that?
6.9%: Very much unacceptable
20.7%: Unacceptable
59.7%: Acceptable
7.3%: Very much acceptable
5.4%: Don't know/hard to say

Q6. Overall, do you believe that the report on political reform from the Chief Executive to the central government reflects public opinion?
12.7%: Completely failed to obtain/reflect public opinion
19.2%: Failed to obtain/reflect public opinion
53.5%: Obtained/reflected public opinion
6.9%: Completely obtained/reflected public opinion
7.7%: Don't know/hard to say

[017] Taiwan By The Numbers (12/27/2007) (Mainland Affairs Council; 1,067 persons interviewed December 21-23, 2007)

Q1. Do you think that the Chinese government is friendly or unfriendly towards our government?
1.3%: Very friendly
21.6%: Friendly
45.4%: Unfriendly
21.4%: Very unfriendly
10.3%: Don't know/no opinion

Q2. Do you think that the Chinese government is friendly or unfriendly towards the people of Taiwan?
2.7%: Very friendly
37.5%: Friendly
37.7%: Unfriendly
12.9%: Very unfriendly
9.2%: Don't know/no opinion

Q3. China proposes "one country, two systems" for cross-straits relationships and treats Taiwan as a local government ruled by China. The Republic of China will not exist afterwards. Do you agree with the one country, two systems" proposal made by China?
4.1%: Agree very much
13.5%: Agree
37.1%: Disagree
34.1%: Disagree very much
11.2%: Don't know/no opinion

Q4. Over the past few years, the government has been gradually opening exchange between Taiwan and China. Do you think the pace of cross-strait exchange between the people is too fast, too slow or just right?
18.6%: Too fast
32.2%: Too slow
40.7%: Just right
8.5%: Don't know/no opinion

Q5. Some people think that the developing the Taiwan-China relationship is relatively important, but other people think that it is more important to develop relationships with other nations. Which do you think is more important?
32.8%: Developing the relationship between Taiwan and China
32.8%: Developing the relationship between Taiwan and other nations
30.8%: Both are equally important
3.6%: Don't know/no opinion

Q6. If developing diplomatic relationships creates tension in the cross-straits relationship, would you agree or disagree with continuing the development of these diplomatic relationships?
19.7%: Agree a lot
48.6%: Agree
19.6%: Disagree
5.6%: Disagree a lot
6.5%: Don't know/no opinion

Q7. Concerning the government restrictions on Taiwan businesses investing in China, some people want the government to be tougher but others want more relaxation. Would you like to see it become tougher or more relaxed?
44.3%: Tougher
37.7%: More relaxed
11.5%: Maintain the status quo
6.5%: Don't know/no opinion

Q8. Presently, some people want direct flights between Taiwan and China without conditions but others think that there should be certain conditions (such as those about national security, dignity, equality, etc). Do you think that they government should unconditionally or conditionally open up direct flights?
77.4%: Conditionally
16.5%: Unconditionally
2.5%: No direct flights should be allowed at all
3.6%: Don't know/no opinion

Q9. Concerning the relationship between Taiwan and China, there are several opinions. Which do you prefer?
3.2%: Unification as quickly as possible
7.3%: Proclamation of independence as quickly as possible
9.2%: Maintain status quo, and then move towards unification
11.8%: Maintain status quo, and then move towards independence
44.9%: Maintain status quo, and then decide on unification/independence depending on the situation
20.6%: Maintain the status quo forever
3.0%: Don't know/no opinion

Q10. China is applying pressure on Taiwan through the United States to oppose the referendum to join the United States. Would you oppose the referendum because of the American objection?
14.2%: Yes
77.8%: No
8.0%: Don't know/no opinion

[016] The Paradox of the Development of the Political System in Hong Kong (12/27/2007) (Jasper Tsang Yok-sing's blog)

[in translation]

There is a paradox at the core of the problem of the development of the political system in Hong Kong: On one hand, the central government won't have the confidence in implementing universal suffrage as long as the political ecology is the same; on the other hand, the political ecology won't change until there is universal suffrage.

The so-called "political ecology" refers to the relative strengths of the various political forces. After more than twenty years (and especially over the last two years), the various political forces in Hong Kong have lined up into two camps: the pro-establishment camp and the opposition camp (these two terms were chosen to illustrate the relationships of the camps towards government, and they carry neither positive nor negative connotations). The relative strengths of these two camps form the principal indicators of the political ecology in Hong Kong. The strengths are determined on the basis of political power, including public opinion support and leadership. By this standard, the pro-establishment camp has always been disadvantaged all along.

When Hong Kong was first returned to China, the pro-establishment camp could not win support by a majority of Hong Kong citizens. The main reason was that the Hong Kong people lacked confidence about "one country, two systems." They did not trust the central and SAR governments. At the time, many Hong Kong people cared more about maintaining the Hong Kong 'system' and making sure that the mainland 'system' does not oppress, assault or erode it. They were worried about conflicts between Hong Kong and mainland. They believed that the pro-establishment camp are vassals of the central government who would line up with the central government and not defend the interests of Hong Kong people whenever a conflict should arise between Hong Kong and mainland.

Today, this is ten years after the return of Hong Kong. Overall, the Hong Kong people have a more positive view about the central government and "one country, two systems." In the past, many people thought that it is necessary to keep a distance away from the mainland in order to keep the Hong Kong advantage. Today, more people believe that Hong Kong must cooperate, even merge, with mainland China in order to use "one country, two systems" to press its advantages. Many Hong Kong people recognize the importance of communicating and working with the central government and they know that constant opposition is pointless.

Yet, this does not mean that many Hong Kong people have switched from supporting the opposition camp to supporting the pro-establishment camp. When a typical Hong Kong person thinks about the relationship between Hong Kong and the central government, he might think: "Even if I do not doubt that the central government is serious about implementing 'one country, two systems' and maintaining the prosperity and stability of Hong Kong, it is ultimately not a democratically elected government. We cannot put all our hopes on the good intentions of the government leaders. When the policies of the central government are consistent with the interests of the people of Hong Kong, we welcome them and the opposition camp would not dare to oppose the public opinion. But whenever a decision by the central government goes against the Hong Kong people's wishes, who will speak up for them? The opposition camp will, but not the pro-establishment camp."

The conclusion then is that there must be a sufficiently powerful opposition camp. If on a certain matter, the opposition camp overstepped in their opposition to the central government, then we won't support them there. But we cannot let the opposition camp be completely marginalized because they are an important check-and-balance force on the central government.

This type of thinking has its logic, especially at a time when universal suffrage has not yet been realized in Hong Kong. When the Chief Executive and some of the seats in the Legislative Council did not come via universal suffrage, people naturally assumed that the political system favors the pro-establishment camp: whether the pro-establishment camp is supported by the system or not, their speech rights are guaranteed; but whether the opposition camp can continue to provide check-and-balance depends on popular support. Such thinking is prevalent in Hong Kong society. As a result, the pro-establishment camp can only continue to be disadvantaged and the political ecology will basically stay unchanged.

If and when universal suffrage is implemented, the fixed boundary between the pro-establishment and opposition camp will disappear after a transitory period. At that time, the citizens will no longer feel that a certain precious animal species known as "the opposition camp" needs special protection. They don't have to worry whether the central government's favorite pet ("the pro-establishment camp") can rule unchecked in Hong Kong. No matter whether someone is "pro-China" or "pro-democracy", "radical" or "conservative," the citizens will simply choose whomever they have the most confidence in ruling Hong Kong. The election winners will become the establishment then. At the next election, if they fail to win the support of the majority of the citizens, they will be turned out and become the opposition. That would be a true transformation of the political ecology.

But this is going to be an event that is somewhat remote in the future. The central government is definitely not going to undertake the foreseeable risks to implement universal suffrage and then patiently watch for the transformation of the political ecology to take place in Hong Kong. Presently, the most pressing problem for the central government is solve the problem of when and how to begin universal suffrage, such that the results of universal suffrage will not be unfavorable to the central government as things stand right now.

Related Link: 假如香港有普選後的政治生態 都是那些日子

[015] Ma Ying-jeou's Comment About the Aborigines (12/26/2007) (Taiwan Times) Ma comment sparks Aboriginal fury. By Meggie Lu. December 26, 2007.

Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou ( 馬英九 ) has been embroiled in controversy over his recent and allegedly discriminative remarks about the Aborigines of the Amis tribe in the Sijhou Community ( 溪洲部落 ), Taipei County. Ma's comments, which several political observers yesterday described as "dumbfounding," were made on Dec. 8 during a campaign platform presentation in Sindian City ( 新店 ), Taipei County, when a Sijhou woman pleaded for "President Ma" to build an embankment to prevent the community's relocation. "If you come into the city, you are a Taipei citizen; I see you as a human being, I see you as a citizen, and I will educate you well," Ma said, adding: "Aborigines should adjust their mentality -- you come to this place, you have to play by its rules."

... When approached for his response, Ma's campaign spokesman Su Jun-pin ( 蘇俊賓 ) yesterday said the media took Ma's remarks out of context and misinterpreted his meaning.

What exactly did Ma Ying-jeou say? The Taiwan Indigenous TV video clip is posted at YouTube (note: the relevant words appear in the last two minutes). Here is TVBS's transcription (with my translation):

「你既然來到我們的城市，就是我們的人，你來到台北就台北人，我把你當人看，我把你當市民看，要好好把你教育，好好的提供機會給你，我覺得應該這樣子做，所以我覺得原住民的心態，要從那個地方調整，我來到這個地方，我就要照這個地方的遊戲規則來玩。」

(in translation) Since you have come to our city, you are one of our people. If you come to Taipei, then you are a Taipei person. I will treat you like a person, I will treat you as a citizen. I will educate you well, and I will provide good opportunities for you. I feel that this is how it should be done. Thus, I feel that the mindset of the indigenous people needs to be adjusted. When I arrive at a place, I must play under the rules of the games in that place.

You can decide for yourself whether these words carry prejudice and discrimination. But whatever else, there is piece of media-related shenanigan here. According to Liberty Times, the original news broadcast appeared on Taiwan Indigenous TV on December 15. On December 22, the video clip was pointed out at the Ma1dog blog. Shortly afterwards, Taiwan Indigenous TV modified the link to point to an unrelated video clip. However, the video clip was already preserved and replicated at sites such as YouTube.

[014] A Most Disgusting Photograph (12/26/2007) (Diuman Park)

In the entertainment section of a popular newspaper, there was a disgusting photograph of two granny female actresses donning student uniform and Lolita dress as if they were still lovely teenagers. This disgusting photograph took up one-quarter of the page.

This pair of old ladies don't look pretty to begin with. But would they wear short skirts and act cute? Don't they know how unnatural and ugly they look? Of course, they are free to do so. But couldn't they just do so in a private party and not show the whole world?

... But why did the newspaper editor give one-quarter page to such a disgusting photograph? The editor ought to know that this photograph is going to disturb the readers and cause resentment. Why was the art director thinking when he laid out the page? Did he ever learn about aesthetics? Why did the chief editor think when he saw this page? ...

This news photograph is a milestone of the decay of our society.

... In this society, a small group of people only want to get an instant impact and refuse to think. It is not difficult to imagine the following conversation taking place beforehand:

"For this game show, we need to come up with something big. How can we make some noise?"

"Find a few sexy female stars to don cosplay. Those nerdy guys will love it!"

"Okay, but is there anything more exciting?"

"Hmmm ... Why not get Auntie XXX to play a pretty young girl? She likes to be in the limelight, so she'll definitely do it!"

"Ha ha, good idea!"

"Hey, let's get Elder Sister YYY too and we'll have a pair. We'll find a whole bunch of grandpas and grandmas to play animated characters. This honors the senior citizens and it is fashionable to speak of 'social responsibility'!"

"Good, good! So be it, ha ha."

Everybody applauds and the plan was approved amidst the laughter.

[013] The Story of Song Binbin (12/25/2007) (New America Media) On Mao’s 114th Birthday, Past Catches Up to Former Red Guard Leader. By Xujun Eberlein. December 21, 2007.

A month before the 114th birthday of Chairman Mao Zedong on December 26, a long forgotten photo of Mao with a young girl resurfaced on the Chinese Internet. It generated an instant furor around the girl.

It has been 41 years since then. She was 18 or 19 at the time, a senior student at the girls' school that was attached to Beijing Normal University. On August 18, 1966, she went to Tiananmen, as part of a delegation of Red Guards to be received by Mao. She was given the special honor of placing a Red Guard armband on Mao’s sleeve. As she did this, Mao asked her name and she told him: Song Binbin. Loosely translated it means “gentle and refined.” Mao had told her in a joking way, according to the photographer, that gentle was out, and "Yaowu" was in. "Yaowu" means "seeking armed conflict."

Almost overnight, the girl became known as Song Yaowu and famous throughout China. Young and proud, little did she know how history is prone to turning fame into infamy. Soon, her new name evolved into a symbol of Red Guard violence, and for a reason.

Just two weeks before this happy moment on Tiananmen, a cruel beating death occurred in Song's school. It was August, and the peak of the three-month activity that marked the beginning of the Cultural Revolution. The Red Guards, mostly middle school and high school students, held power in China second only to Mao. On August 5, in the name of the revolution, teenage girls in Song Binbin's school yelled at and beat up their teachers and administrators.

Bian Zhongyun, the school's Communist Party secretary and vice principal died in the turmoil. History would later record this as the first case of students killing a teacher, something that would shortly thereafter become more frequent nationwide.

... Fast-forward four decades. Today, Song Binbin, who goes by this name, has lived a low-key life in the United States for 27 years. On the other side of the earth, in Beijing, her alma mater is celebrating its 90th anniversary. For reasons we don’t know, as part of the celebrations, displayed is a special photo album containing the picture of Song Binbin with Mao. On the opposite page is a picture of Bian Zhongyun, the teacher who had so tragically died at the hands of her students.

Earlier this year, the anniversary had sparked a search for alumnae who made a mark in the world. Song Binbin was among those recommended. She embraced the opportunity with enthusiasm, listing among her achievements her doctoral degree in atmospheric and planetary sciences from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. She said she was the first doctoral student from China in her department, and provided a picture of herself with her adviser, Fred Frey, a reputed geochemist at MIT.

This appears to be the first time Song Binbin acknowledged her ties to her high school. She had done her best to move away from that time, and always seemed reluctant to talk to anyone about her past. Viewed by most as a villain, and perhaps by history as another fervent believer in a cause gone wrong, she had put the past behind her. That is, until now.

In her write-up of her career, she made no mention of "Red August," 1966. No apology. No justification. Simply nothing. This is a strategy that had been fairly effective in the United States, but her alma mater is not in her adopted land. If she believed her past was forgotten, she was wrong. People saw what she had written, and it generated a furor. Many were outraged that she would hold up her accomplishments in America as if nothing had happened at her high school. They called her the school's shame. They called the school's 90th anniversary celebrations a shame.

... In all the years after coming to America, the only time she spoke publicly was in Carma Hinton's recent documentary, "Morning Sun." With her face blurred, Song told the interviewer – and the audience – she had never hit anyone; she had always opposed violence. It was her way of indirectly denying any involvement in Bian Zhongyun 's beating death.

... There is nothing to suggest that Song Binbin was especially fervent in her beliefs, but the picture of herself next to Mao was enough to make her stand out. Unfortunately, the symbol is long-standing, despite being transformed from glorious to notorious; despite Song Binbin and her family becoming victims of the very revolution she had participated in; despite Song spending her adult life as a scientist, shying away from politics.

... So far, few former Red Guards have come out and talked about their actions. Most are in their 60s now, remaining behind a wall of silence. I can understand their excuse that the violence they were involved in was circumstantial, non-personal, and, at the time, even politically correct. Still, I can't help but wonder: Had Song Binbin acknowledged her part in, clarified her position on, and properly expressed her sorrow for that tragic day of 1966, would people's reaction today have been more restrained? Would she have been forgiven by those who crouched in terror that day, as well as by those who had terrorized and now try to forget their shame?

Related Link: 童话：北师大附中校庆中的最无耻记录 新世纪

[012] More Mudslinging in Taiwan (12/24/2007) (Apple Daily, UDN) Taiwan Ministry of Education Secretary-General Chuang Kuo-jung catapulted to 'rock-star'-level fame during the renaming of the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall to Liberty Square. See Comment 200712b#002 for the collected sayings of Chuang Kuo-jung.

Professor Prudence Chou Chu-ing of the National Chengchi University wrote an open letter titled: "Secretary-General Chuang, please go back!" She criticized Chuang who used to teach at National Chengchi University for dropping the "least politically colored Ministry of Education right into the front lines of the national political clashes." She asked whether Chuang sees only "winning elections, toying with political language, pleasing the rulers and manipulating the media." The letter ends: "Secretary-general Chuang, please quit while the going is still good. An election is transitory, but your academic life and the character of an intellectual are forever! Go back to the Ministry of Education! ... A good talent should not be ruined by elections!" When interviewed, Chou said that a Ministry of Education official should set an example for the nation, but Chuang Kuo-jung has repeatedly used inappropriate as well as sexually prejudicial language to attack others. "Our society has been ripped apart by these elections and everyone is up at arms. Do we still need the Ministry of Education to instruct us on how to rip about ethnic groups and criticize each other?"

In rebuttal, Chuang Kuo-jung said that Chou Chu-ing is full of authoritarianism in her brains, and that she lacks critical judgment and understanding about freedom and democracy. Chuang called her a "shameless scholar in the field of education." Chuang said that many National Chengchi University scholars has expressed their support of him via telephone and SMS.

[011] Quotes From A Taiwan Discussion Forum (12/24/2007) (China Times) The title was: "Facing Righteousness and Justice: The development and transformation of Taiwan society."

"There are two dark clouds in the hearts of the Taiwan intellectuals. First, the intellectuals are helpless in the face of the vast destruction wrought by politics in Taiwan. Second, the intellectuals are lost in the face of the collective anxiety of Taiwan society. Before the martial law was lifted, the historical standards of 'progressiveness' and 'backwardness' were clear, and so the intellectuals have an easy consensus. Therefore, they had optimistic visions for the democratic reforms. But now, they have gradually lost their sense of direction."

"Many of you here today were cheerleaders during the process of democratization. But now at a time when the localization process is changing into ethnic exclusion, there is the situation of liberal intellectuals keeping mum and leftist intellectuals being embarrassed. Such is the sorrow of civic society."

"Intellectuals are becoming increasingly doubtful about their ideas, and therefore they have become more cynical to the point of deliberately 'marginalizing' themselves. Even more troublesome is the fact that many intellectuals had fought alongside the Democratic Progressive Party against the authoritarian regime and therefore they kept quiet for eight years because they think that criticizing acquaintances damages their feelings."

"Ministry of Education secretary-general Chuang Kuo-jung has been speaking so awfully recently, but why didn't any intellectual jump out to criticize him? My answer is this: It is always the opposition which comes out first to return the insults and abuses. So if an intellectual were to criticize him, he would be immediately labeled a pan-blue hatchet man and thus be debased. There is no point for an intellectual to make any criticisms anymore. In fact, the result could even be worse because the ruling party supporters will probably present flowers to Chuang Kuo-jung."

"Intellectuals are like dogs. They are busy all the time, but they accomplish nothing. The critical nature of intellectuals is subject to conditions. When the government under-invests in higher education, when the intellectuals are under the macro-level pressure of standing up to comparison to other places in the world and when they are under the micro-level pressures of obtaining promotion and tenure, they become disciplined and restricted. The intellectuals do not have the dignity or other favorable conditions to be critical."

"I have a deep green background and my name was placed on the black list. I thought that the change in ruling party would make our society more open, but instead we are more closed than ever. Under the name of localization, our thoughts are being restricted. I am an accessory for letting the Democratic Progressive Party come to this point. But I will still continue to speak out because I don't want the future political leaders to make the same mistakes. Intellectuals cannot abandon their vision and ability to dream. If I have changed, then it is because I have left the "deep green" way of thinking and I understand Taiwan society better. Speaking the truth may sacrifice some friendship, but I will continue to speak the truth or else I might as well as go live in a mud swamp."

[010] Hong Kong By The Numbers (12/24/2007) (The Sun) The Hong Kong Equal Opportunities Commission wrote to The Sun and charged that an article on July 8th had a headline that was negative about handicapped people. At the time, The Sun staff reviewed that issue of the newspaper from the first page to the last page over and over and could not find the offensive article. The Sun therefore went back to the Equal Opportunities Commission and ask for clarification. Eventually, the Equal Opportunities Commission said that the case was closed because the complainant did not wish to pursue the matter any further. But The Sun was not about to give up and ran a public opinion poll.

Q1. In this incident, the Equal Opportunities Commission never checked the facts of the case in its investigation. What does this show?
26%: They are careless and unprofessional
22%: There are procedural flaws in their operation
17%: Their investigators are not capable
19%: Supervision is lax and ineffective
9%: There are no problems here
7%: No opinion

Q2. The Equal Opportunities Commission halted the case without admitting fault. Is there a problem here?
51%: They were covering up the fact that they made a mistake
16%: They were targeting specific media outlets
7%: They were trying to create a case
11%: This was an innocent mistake
15%: No opinion

Q6. Recently, government departments such as the Television and Entertainment Authority, the Obscene Articles Tribunal, the Hong Kong Police, the Health Department and the Privacy Commission have made unreasonable charges and investigations of the Oriental Daily Group. What does this show?
29%: They are selectively targeting specific media outlets
24%: Different departments make arbitrary prosecutions with no arbitrary standards
19%: The government departments are working together to suppress freedom of press
10%: The wrongful prosecutions were coincidental
18%: No opinion

[009] Hong Kong By The Numbers (12/23/2007) (RAHK) (1,980 interviews based upon randomly selected telephone numbers in Hong Kong. Although not detailed here, it is believed that RAHK uses an automated voice system that does not have a random respondent selection procedure within households. Therefore, there is an unknown bias in the results)

Background: On December 12, 20007, Hong Kong SAR Chief Executive Donald Tsang presented the <Green Paper on the Development of the Political System> as well as providing a report to the National People's Congress Standing Committee about reforming the Hong Kong political system in 2012.

Q1. Do you think that these two reports from the Chief Executive reflect public opinion?
51%: Yes
36%: No
14%: No opinion

Q2. Will these two reports advance the progress of democracy in Hong Kong?
54%: Yes
29%: No
17%: No opinion

Q3. In whose hands does the ultimate decision-making power about the Hong Kong political system lie?
11%: Legislative Council
12%: Hong Kong SAR government
70%: Central government in Beijing
7%: No opinion

Q4. Do you want the National People's Congress Standing Committee to approve the amendment on how to elect the Chief Executive and Legislative Council IN 2012?
54%: Yes
20%: No
26%: No opinion

Q5. Do you wish that the People's Congress Standing Committee would decide on a time schedule for universal suffrage?
58%: Yes
21%: No
21%: No opinion

Q6. Some people have proposed double universal suffrage in 2012. Do you believe that the 2/3 of the Legislative Council will vote so?
23%: Yes
60%: No
17%: No opinion

Q7. Do you believe Hong Kong society can agree on a model for universal suffrage of the Legislative Council at this time?
26%: Yes
58%: No
16%: No opinion

Q8. Do you agree with having universal suffrage for the Chief Executive first before the Legislative Council?
51%: Yes
32%: No
17%: No opinion

Q9. If the National People's Congress should decide upon universal suffrage of the Chief Executive in 2017, will you accept it?
64%: Yes
21%: No
15%: No opinion

[008] Louyi Veiten (12/23/2007) (Apple Daily) In 1992, the LV (Louis Vuitton) brand entered China and it now has fifteen stores.

In Wu Chan, a Chinese businessman named Wang Jun studied the trademark law carefully. He found out that the exclusivity registration exists for 45 separate product categories. It would appear that LV only applied for trademarks in the clothing, leather goods, jewelry and precious metal categories, but omitted to apply for exclusivity. Wang Jun successfully registered the Chinese and English trademarks for Louyi Veiten (路易威登), for which he now has the rights for handbags, clothing and shoes.

When LV found out in 2004, they applied to remove Wang's exclusivity but lost their petition. In 2007, LV tried to overturn the administrative decision in a Beijing middle court for which a verdict is pending. Meanwhile, Wang is losing patience and he offers three options: (1) LV should grant him exclusive rights to represent them in Wuhan; (2) LV should pay him 120 million yuan; (3) Wang Jun will begin shipping his Louyi Veiten line of merchandise.

Netizen comments:
"Shameless!"
"Damaging to national image of China!"
"This is how foreigners treat us, so we are paying them back in the identical fashion!!"

[007] Dongzhou Again (12/22/2007)

(Reuters) China denies fresh stand-off in troubled village. (Reporting by Guo Shipeng and Lindsay Beck; Editing by David Fogarty) December 22, 2007.

China on Friday denied there had been a new stand-off between residents and authorities in a troubled village where police opened fire on demonstrators protesting against a controversial power plant two years ago. More than 1,000 riot police were sent into Dongzhou village in the southern province of Guangdong to guard a key electricity pylon of the plant and they fired tear gas on Thursday at several hundred protesters, U.S.-funded Radio Free Asia reported.

But Liu Jingmao, spokesman for the Shanwei city government overseeing Dongzhou, put the number of protesters at only "a few dozen" from a "tiny minority" of the villagers. "They were restrained throughout so there hasn't been any clash," Liu told Reuters by telephone. "The construction of the power station and its grid resumed recently. The villagers just wanted to seize this chance to ask for more money," Liu said.

... Armed police had set up check points around Dongzhou this week and a "menacing televised announcement" had been broadcast to urge the latest protesters to turn themselves in, Radio Free Asia said, quoting residents.

But Liu, the Shanwei government spokesman, dismissed it as untrue and said no armed police had been involved.
"The overseas reports are completely unfounded. All lawful demands of the villagers have already been met. We will not discuss any unreasonable claims." But he said the completion of the plant had been delayed by the protests for some time and there might still be "unpredictable incidents" before it formally started generating power, which could happen as early as January.

The above report is very carefully written, because Reuters did not have first-hand eyewitness information. Therefore, it had to be very careful in presenting both sides in a fair and balanced manner.

Here is Ming Pao's report on the same incident:

... A Dongzhou villager told Ming Pao that more than 1,000 police officers entered the village by force and fired tear gas at the protestors. But the Dongzhou Neighborhood Office and the Dongzhou police station both said that they don't have any details when Ming Pao called them up.

A villager named Mr. Shi told Ming Pao that at least 1,000 armed policemen and public security officers entered the village on Thursday with the construction work crew. On that day, the villagers sounded the alarm off by banging on brass gongs and several hundred of them protested at the village entrance. The police fired tear gas and the villagers dispersed. Several of the protest leaders were arrested, but there was no large-scale clash. The work crew began work under the protection of the police. Mr. Shi said that it is very tense in the village with police everywhere. All the telephones in the villagers are being monitored.

Information from the scene says that the police have set up inspection posts around the village to restrict access. Strangers are examined before they are permitted to enter. The local television station is repeatedly broadcasting a government bulletin to the Dongzhou villagers to tell them that it is against the law to block the construction and they should not prevent the workers from doing their job. The police stayed and watched the construction site through the night.

Related ESWN Link: The Shanwei (Dongzhou) Incident

[006] Chinese Aircraft Carrier Moves Towards Taiwan Straits (12/22/2007) The news report in The Sun (Hong Kong) could conceivably be written this way (in order to attract a few more eyeballs):

The world's fifth largest aircraft carrier will be relocating from its current base in Shenzhen to Weizhou, which would bring it closer to the front line of the very tense Taiwan Straits. The Chinese aircraft carrier will have its home base in Double Moon Bay along with a task force of other ships. Meanwhile, there will be a land base that includes training camps, barracks, etc. The new facilities will represent a vast improvement in scale and functionality.

The actual story is as follows:

Once upon a time, the Russian aircraft carrier Minsk was the fifth largest aircraft carrier in the world. Minsk was retired and eventually sold to a company in Shenzhen as the centerpiece of the Citic Minsk World theme park.

Recently, the city of Weizhou made a successful pitch to Citic to relocate Minsk to Double Moon Bay. The Weidong county government has committed to set aside 5,000 mu of land for the new tourist site. When Minsk arrives, there will be a land-based theme park that includes a theme restaurant, a theme commercial street, a five-star hotel and camp grounds. Other ships will probably be brought there too. The new facilities will represent a vast improvement in scale and functionality over the Shenzhen site.

[005] <Lust, Caution> Sex Scenes Online (12/22/2007) There was a video link posted here: 视频:港版《色戒》激情完全无删减３个片段 中国娱乐网. This link led to a Chinese entertainment-themed bulletin board system (bbs.67.com) where someone had posted YouKu links to the three censored sex scenes from the movie <Lust, Caution>. At 67.com, there was no indication that this was adult material.

When <Lust, Caution> premiered in Hong Kong, much was said about how the movie company had hired dozens of Internet patrollers to monitor the various BitTorrent sites to catch illegal downloads. In fact, it was noticeable that illegal downloading did not occur. However, a similar effort was not made in China and that is why the censored sex scenes are appearing on the Chinese Internet. In the case of 67.com, this is a properly registered website that bills itself as "China's biggest entertainment website." On 67.com's home page, it lists its Internet Content Provider registration number as Beijing ICP 060723. If the movie company knew about it, it could easily ask 67.com to cease and desist; if 67.com refuses, then this is a straightforward copyright violation lawsuit. Besides, these video clips are classified as "yellow" pornography.

Why couldn't the movie company do what it did in Hong Kong? For one thing, it is a matter of scaling. Hong Kong has about three or four million Internet users whereas the number of Internet users in China reached 172 million in September 2007. The movie company would need to hire hundreds, even thousands, of patrollers.

What about the 'authorities' and their vaunted 30,000 Internet police? 172,000,000 Internet users divided by 30,000 is 5,767. How would you like to be responsible for what 5,767 persons are doing? The reality is that they must be selective (such as monitoring the big and influential portals; asking the blog service providers to monitor their own users; updating banned subject lists; etc). Whereas the control in current affairs and politics is strong, other fields such as entertainment and sports are wide open. That is why these video clips can be brazenly displayed (and even promoted at the top of the home page of 67.com as the top recommendation). By the way, these video links would not be allowed in Hong Kong -- the Customs Department makes it a copyright violation and the Obscene Articles Tribunal classifies it as Category III: obscene material.

[004] What Is It About County Party Secretaries? (12/22/2007) (Xinhua Net via KDNet)

It is near the end of the year and there is a fifth case of netizens being criminally detained because they "insulted" and "libeled" a certain county party secretary (see The Gaotang Three). The first four cases were for SMS poems in Pengshui (Chongqing), an essay in Jishan (Shanxi), a book in Mengzhou (Henan) and a song in Danzhou (Hainan). Although the details of the cases are different, the common characteristic is that the citizens' right to evaluate, discuss and monitor government officials was violated. No matter whether these expressions of opinions went through proper or improper channels; no matter whether these opinions were biased or basically correct; the government officials immediately deemed it libel. The principals were detained, arrested and even paraded publicly. Meanwhile, the state apparatus such as the public security bureaus, the procuratorate and the courts followed the orders of the government officials even though there was no legal basis to take action.

It should be pointed out that these five cases all involved the country party secretary? What is it about county party secretaries? Why do they show up in these kinds of cases? The reason is that the county party secretaries have all the attributes to make these cases. First of all, even though the county secretary is not a high official, he is nevertheless the local "warlord." On his own turf, he is totally dominant and not held accountable by anyone. When his authority is challenged, he has no compunction of hitting back hard. Secondly, he owns the power to make these cases. The whole county moves to his command. If he says so, the public security bureau will find the culprits, the procuratorate will file charges and the court will reach a verdict without delay.

In summary, the county party secretary has huge powers but he is not effectively supervised and monitored. "Apart from foreign diplomacy, military and national defense, their powers are almost identical to the central government." But there is seldom any checks and balance on them. "The supervision from above is too distant, the supervision from persons of the same rank is too weak and the supervision from below is too difficult to do." Such is reality.

The other reason why these cases have shown up repeatedly is that they are treated leniently afterwards. As a result, they have nothing to fear. In the Pengshui case, the county party secretary was transferred laterally; the Jishan case drew the attention of the National People's Congress Standing Committee and was referred to the Shanxi local authorities for investigation without any results; nothing has happened with the Mengzhou and Danzhou cases.

[003] Expense Reports For The Tiger Hunters (12/21/2007) (KDnet, New Express) In the matter of The South China Tiger Photographs, people are suspicious because there were certain exchanges of interests among those involved. The local government wanted to find a South China tiger, because they would be able to procure huge amounts of funding for conservation. The experts were paid to give positive indications of the existence of South China tiger. These are background suspicions, but where is the direct evidence of the exchange of interests?

Along came some anonymous netizen who has posted what is purported to be the expense reports for a team of tiger experts.

(Translation)

15. January 22. (Gave 10,000yuan in cash to Lu)

1. Foot bathing, 6 persons x 90 = 540 yuan
~~2. Gave Wang Weifeng a mobile telephone: 1,600 yuan (Yang authorized the gift)~~
3. Snacks: 132 yuan (Xiaobei Street)
4. Cigarettes (Qiaozi): 5 packs, 50 yuan
5. Tea leaves: 2 kilograms x 160 = 320 yuan
Total: ~~2,642~~ yuan 1,042

Note: According to what director Zhang said, Lu did not complete the project for Zhengping town and therefore he will only get 20% of the amount. If the amount was 80,000 yuan, Lu should get 16,000. But director Tan told Lu during late lunch that money is tight and we are giving him 10,000 yuan for now. In the evening, I was in the same room as Lu when we were getting the foot baths and I gave him the money. Lu said: "Director Tan was not being very generous; this 10,000 yuan has to be used to please the bosses. This is not enough."

Lu Xirong is the deputy director of the Shaanxi provincial Forestry Department Wildlife Protection Station and the leader of the South China tiger investigation team. He received a V66 mobile telephone worth 1,680 yuan. When asked about it, he confirmed that he had received the gift which was later stolen. The couny bureau chief Tan Dapeng was more cautious as he is suspected of offering a bribe. Even when told that Lu Xirong had admitted receiving the gift, he denied having done so. Wang Weifeng is the Shaaxi provincial Forestry Department Wildlife and Plant Protection Bureau chief and also a member of the South China tiger investigation team. When asked, Wang denied ever accepting a mobile telephone. Furthermore, he reacted rudely to the reporter's question.

Other goodies in the accounting ledger was that the team smoked sixteen cartons plus six packs of Furongwang cigarettes. The costs for cigarettes, alcohol and tea for the team was 6,472.5 yuan over 20 days; the costs for meals and fruits was 10,685.5 yuan; foot bathing and singing cost 3,030 yuan.

[002] <Lust, Caution> (The Children Edition) (12/21/2007) (yWeekend) (Internal editorial meeting discussion)

A: Let's begin the meeting! Let's talk first about what good topics are available this week ...

B: There is a Sina.com blog post titled <Who directed the children edition of 'Lust, Caution'>. The world is going crazy over it.

A: Oh my, what does it say?

B: A netizen claimed in this blog that "a recent set of Internet photographs showed two five- or six-year-old children embracing, kissing or even imitating certain actions in <Lust, Caution>. Many people have described this as the children's edition of <Lust, Caution>." The netizen re-posted these photographs and wrote an essay titled "Save the children."

C: Yes, yes, yes. This is too much. Two children kissing passionately in the middle of the street, as well as making moves that exceed the rules, including putting the hand inside the other person's trousers ... on one hand, everyone is condemning the publication of the photographs, while on the other hand, they are worried about children nowaways!

B: Yes, they don't know enough, they are curious and they imitate what they see. As the blogger said, the hoods saw "sexual love" in the movie, the art lovers saw "aesthetics," the sociologists saw "human nature," the patriots saw "Chinese traitors," adults saw "life" and children saw "games."

A: I'm disgusted with the publication of these photographs! Have you found out whether the two children actually did that after watching <Lust, Caution>?

B: I don't know about that.

C: Yes! It may be that someone directed the action and then they hyped it up by linking it to <Lust, Caution>.

A: That's exactly what I mean! The blogger may be sighing wispfully about the children, but he is not above suspicion either. How else could such a piece of news emerge without any warning? He could have refused to post it, right?

B: So why don't you re-post it too?

C: This sort of thing has been hapenning for some time. For example, should a photograph of kissing children be used shown? This is not news. The only thing fresh about it is the <Lust, Caution> angle.

(Xinhua)

[001] The Gaotang Three (12/21/2007) (Beijing News)

[in translation]

On December 20, 2006, Gaotang county Civil Affairs Bureau Place Name Office director Dong Wei saw a post at the Baidu forum on Gaotang that "Gaotang is among the top six in the entire Shantong province for economic leadership." So he left two comments. One was titled "Rotten fish Sun is worse" (note: 'Rotten fish Sun' is a homonym for the party secretary Sun Lanyu of Gaotang county), and the other was titled, "If we have to be frugal and stay at home, why are we talking about construction?"

At 16:30 on December 31, 2006, Dong Wei was at his office when two policemen showed up. After confirming his identity, they took him down to the station to assist in an investigation. They asked, "Did you say anything irresponsible on the Internet about the county leader?" Then Dong Wei realized what this was about. To this date, Dong Wei still does not believe that he said anything out of the way. As far as he was concerned, he was just offering his personal views about current affairs and local leadership.

That evening, Dong Wei was held at the police station. Also held there were Wang Zifeng and Hu Dongchen. Wang had written an Internet post titled "If Gaotang is so wonderful, then why can't it pay its employees? with a dirty epithet about the country secretary. Hu denied ever writing anything, but the police traced the IP address for the Internet comment to the school where he taught.

A few days later, the three were transferred to the county detention center where they watched themselves on a police bulletin television show being marched into the jail while handcuffed. The television announcer explained that a "major Internet criminal organization intent on attacking the country party and government" has been busted. Since their faces were shown on television, their case because the talk of the town.

The public security bureau asked to "extend the detention" due to the "complexity of the case." On January 14, the Gaotang People's Procuratorate rejected the case on the grounds that "the facts were unclear and the evidence was insufficient." The next day, the case was re-submitted to the procuratorate, which issued arrest orders for the three. But on January 21, the Gaotang county procuratorate rescinded the arrest orders. On the same day, the detention center released Dong Wei. On January 31, the Gaotang public security bureau withdrew the case on the grounds that "the circumstances did not constitute a crime" and "they should not have been pursued for criminal liability."

On March 5, Dong Wei asked the Gaotang public security bureau to pay for the 5,000 yuan legal fees that he incurred as well as make a public apology to restore his reputation. The Gaotang public security bureau has yet to respond to the request.

On June 16, the Gaotang procuratorate decided to compensate Dong Wei for 1767.86 yuan for "illegally violating his human rights." Wang Zifeng and Hu Dongchen received about the same amount in compensation.

Dong Wei and Wang Zifeng both said that even if they really "insulted" the county party secretary, this should have been a civil case that the party secretary could bring himself. There was no reason for the crime police, the Internet police or even the prosecutor to seek criminal liability through detentions and arrests by the public security and procuratorate.

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